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Ukrainian Fabrication Idea

Revision as of 07:03, 10 August 2023 by imported>Kultokrat (Created page with "{{Ideology |themecolor = #141414 |textcolor = |bordercolor = |title = File:Fake Ukraine.pngUkrainian fabrication idea |image = File:Galicia into ukropstan.png |caption = 1880 worst decade of my life |aliases = |alignments = |14words = |greatest_achievement = |gangs = |family = |influences = File:Nadzieja.png Ziółkowskiizm File:Chad_Putin.png Putinism<br> |influenced = |preceded = |succeeded = |sub = |school = |regional = |song = ‎<youtub...")
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The notion of the Ukrainian fabrication posits that the formation and propagation of the Ukrainian identity were orchestrated in a deliberate manner by Austro-Hungarian authorities during the 1880s-1917. This perspective contends that this effort was strategically devised as a hybrid warfare tactic aimed at undermining the stability of the Russian Empire. In effect, this tactic aimed to foment discontent within Russia by promoting a distinct Ukrainian identity. Concurrently, this strategic maneuver facilitated the territorial ambitions of the Austro-Hungarian region of Galicia-Lodomeria, enabling it to assert claims over significant portions of Ruthenian territory. This calculated approach ultimately facilitated Austria-Hungary's establishment of a puppet state within the highly agriculturally productive expanse of the Russian Empire during the First World War. Advocates of the Ukrainian fabrication theory often employ this viewpoint to critique the delineation of the Ukrainian state's borders. In some instances, these proponents go so far as to suggest the complete dissolution of the Ukrainian state.

The Theory itself

The theory suggests that certain regions of modern-day Belarus and Ukraine diverged from Russian culture around the 15th century due to Lithuanian and subsequently Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth control. This extended influence of Polish culture led to the adoption of loan words and specific practices in this area. Another contributing factor was the presence of Cossacks—Russians who emulated Mongolian cavalry tactics and practices—in the region. This spread of 'Cossack culture' influenced the southern parts of Ruthenia, resulting in the emergence of a dialect and cultural subgroup within Russian culture in the western settlements.
This situation persisted for centuries, with sporadic movements such as the Zaporozhian Host attempting to establish a Ruthenian kingdom, until the 1880s. During that period, the Russian Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire were part of the League of the Three Emperors. Amid the Great Eastern Crisis, the Treaty of Berlin was signed, reflecting conflicting interests. While Russia supported the idea of a Greater Bulgaria, Austria-Hungary aimed to prevent strong independent Balkan states, desiring to incorporate parts of the region themselves.
Austria-Hungary, unable to directly challenge Russia due to the league of three emperors, devised a strategy involving a hybrid war to weaken and destabilize Russia. This approach aimed to morally justify isolating Russia and potentially acquiring Russian territory. The Austrian assessment of the situation led to the creation of a fabricated identity centered around the Southern Ruthenians. These Ruthenians, influenced by Cossack culture, were more prone to challenging authority. Balkan conflicts and tensions also impacted the region, fostering feelings of neglect and insecurity under the central Russian government. The fertile land in the area contributed significantly to Russia's agricultural output, fostering a sense of local underappreciation. Additionally, Austria-Hungary already had a Ruthenian minority in the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria. This fabricated could also help counter the prevailing Russophilia and assert distinctiveness within the region.
Austria-Hungary manipulated the local Polish administration, employing tactics such as bribery and threats, to introduce the identity of "Ukrainian" to the Galician Ruthenians. This involved promoting a fabricated history linking Ukrainians to Kievan Rus' and emphasizing their distinctiveness from Russians. By 1890, an agreement was reached between the Poles and Ukrainians, leading to partial Ukrainianization of the school system and concessions to Ukrainian culture. Consequently, the number of Ukrainian language students increased substantially.
This agreement propelled the Ukrainian national movement among the Ruthenian peasantry. By the early 20th century, this movement had supplanted other Ruthenian groups as the primary rival to Polish power. Despite setbacks, Ukrainians persistently demanded national equality and the partition of the province into a western, Polish half, and an eastern, Ukrainian half.
Starting with the 1895 election, Galicia gained notoriety for its "bloody elections." The Austrian government's recognition of the vernacular Ukrainian (Rusyn) language for instruction in 1893 eliminated the Old Ruthenian and Russophile influences from the educational system. These reforms empowered the Ukrainian movement while disheartening Traditional Ruthenians, Poles, and Russians. This empowered movement, combined with Austrian support and dire material conditions in Galicia and South Ruthenia, led to Romanticism and desperation, fostering the spread of the Ukrainian idea into Russia.
The Traditional Ruthenians, distinct from the "thuggish and revolutionary" South Ruthenians, sought their own cultural movement. They identified as a subgroup of Russians known as White Ruthenians. The reason for choosing the term "White" remains unclear—some suggest it references separation from Tatar rule or exemption from taxes, while others propose a connection to the Grand Duke of Moscow being called the "White Czar." Despite the ambiguity, White Ruthenians eventually transformed into the term "Belarusians," used today.
Austrian intervention in the region led to an identity crisis, leading to the chaos in Eastern Europe during the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian Empires after World War I. This tumultuous environment resulted in the establishment of separate polities like Carpatho-Ruthenia, Belarus, and Ukraine. Although these independent states were short-lived, the Ukrainian and Belarusian movements endured and eventually culminated in the independence of Ukraine and Belarus following the collapse of the Soviet Union, as well as the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian conflict today.

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