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*{{HelloThere314}} Comment below. I will be deleting old comments | *{{HelloThere314}} Comment below. I will be deleting old comments | ||
*{{HauntedMound}} - Critique me? I'd like to see what you think. | *{{HauntedMound}} - Critique me? I'd like to see what you think. | ||
**{{HauntedMound}} - The Panarchy-esque stuff (although it is absolutely not panarchy, A. you need to move to have a new ideological basis, and B. there's not going to be a literal "Marketplace of Ideas," that's gross. The idea is moreso to get around all of the issues we find in the modern day using a sacred-perversion of the national myth) is sort of new. I held to praxis of creating an unfolding absurdity that would show the absurd dullness of bureaucracy and the various systems we use to organize our way of being, until I realized that nationalism could be used in order to create a mythos and a reason for motion and feeling of reason within a person (similar to religion or IDpol in the US) without needing to directly oppress peoples into submission. Those that simply do not care about nationalism can thus find enjoyment, and those that need some purpose or don't want things to change can cling to that. I've kind of realized that groups with basis or who feel like their ideology or worldview means something '''do not wanna be negated,''' and to negate them by force is not dissimilar to oppression and subjugation, if of a different means. In order to combat the modern conspiracy, I feel we must create our own, and allow for a widespread shattering (due to insurrection and unrest) into splinter states with their own national mythos. |
Revision as of 18:19, 28 February 2024
Self Insert "People can really believe anything these days!" - Ismism This page is meant to represent HelloThere314's political views. Please do not make any major edits without their permission. |
Work in Progress "I'll be done any day now!" - Still-Being-Drawnism This page is not done yet and may still contain inaccurate information or miss important details. |
Hello, I'm HelloThere314, and this is my self insert.
In short I take an Anti-Foundationalist approach to both philosophy and politics. This leads me philosophically to Egoism[1], to base one's cause on nothing, along with an immanent view of Phenomenology[2] , Existentialism[3], and Post-Structuralism[4]. These influences lead me to an idiosyncratic notion of subjectivity, from which I base my philosophical analysis and Insurrectionary politics. My politics is primarily based on the notion of ownness in contrast to freedom, the Post-Anarchist challenge to power at the ontological level[5], and the contemporary theory of Communization[6]. This communization is based on a combined social individuation and insurrection, as my Communism is not the establishment of a new system but the abolition of social mediation, wich I view as fundamentally alienating and limiting. This is all a basic overview and is further expanded upon in my writings.
Writings
My stuff can be found on substack. Current articles are listed here:
- Stirner's New Critics Part One: Introduction
- Stirner's New Critics Part Two: The Marxist Critiques of Stirner
- Stirner's New Critics Part Three: The Existentialist Critiques of Stirner
- Stirner's New Critics Part Four: The Post-Structuralist Critiques of Stirner
- Post-Anarchist Communism Part One: Introduction
- Self-Affirmationa and the Subject: Subjectivity Without Subjects
- Immanence and Transcendence: Reflections on The Plane of Immanence
- Post-Anarchist Communism Part Two: The Post-Anarchist Approach to Power
- Post-Anarchist Communism Part Three: The Process of Communization
- Beyond Baudrillard Part One: Introduction
- Beyond Baudrillard Part Two: Against the Fatal Strategy
Relations
- Weedman - Fellow contemporary anarchist, but I have a few disagreements. For one I disagree with the usefulness of the TAZ, primarily because it must fundamentally rely on capital for its own existence and cannot present an "outside". In fact through its existence capital now has a controlled alternative, preventing actual insurrectionary exit. Really while I'd agree that zones and the like will show up at any insurrectionary praxis, and they allow for temporary affirmative assertion, putting them on the basis of praxis is just self-defeating. I also disagree with your notion of the matrix, I find it misunderstands concepts like technocapital, spectacle, civilization, etc that you seek to put under a single label. I also of course disagree economically, as "mutual aid markets" really just become a petty bourgeoisie idealism and don't escape the cycle of capital. Rather I find that the only real insurrectionary exit comes in the form of communization.
- Felix - I'd largely agree with your characterization of anarchy on an ontological level with "an ungrounded ground of infinite potential" though we draw it from vastly different theorists. What confuses me is how you pair that with your traditionalism, along with your more structural formulation of politics and your rejection of postmodernism. To start with tradition you claim that that is the only way to resist the destructive process of capitalism, which is certainly commodifying and removing traditional ways of life. But the reaction to turn back to tradition to replace capital only replaces one alienating process with another, along with being entirely contrary to anarchy. You base your rejection of the postmodern on category theory, claiming it to go against the axiomatic process of set theory (modernity), and morphisms (postmodernity). However, while category theory is certainly a very interesting field of math, it cannot be placed as the basis of philosophy. You claim that it is based on simple logic rather than axioms, but this is itself based on a dominant image of thought and philosophical assumptions. Just as many Analytics (along with Badiou though he does this better) claim set theory as the basis for philosophy category theory falls to the same issue. I also would like to note that Deleuze and Guattari used category theory extensively in their later work, thought that might be interesting for you.
- Killer Kitty - Well this has certainly been an interesting turn. You've gone from a pretty standard liberal, with some unsavory tendencies, to the utter depths of reaction. You claim the superiority of the Brazilian nation and the black race, and that it should conquer all others. The racism here is of course very present, along with an irrational nationalism based on the sacred cause of the nation. The nation is not an entity that exists out there before we conceptualize it, neither is race for that matter. Instead, it is out of recognition of these concepts that it comes into existence. Why then follow this idol that we have placed there? Now there are material forces that function under this concept, the nation-state, that have their various weaponry and institutions. To embrace the state, to embrace the nation, to embrace this racism, etc is to alienate yourself and fall into reaction. Hopefully, this is just a phase.
- Bax - You confuse me somewhat as you start from Stirner (though your understanding of him seems to be faulty) and fall into the same sacred causes he came to detest. You justify this through your idea of the "collective ego" stating that since we all have "egos" and we all are self-interested we all should care for each other and become a collective. While certainly empathetic, it fundamentally misunderstands what Stirner means and just makes a logical leap without explaining it. This is just a blind collectivism, with a new sacred ideal being placed over me. Along with this the "ego" is a mistranslation of what Stirner means, it is rather the unique. Using this newfound sacred collective cause, you establish your nationalist and socialist politics. Nationalism seems to run counter to your "collective egoism", as it establishes an artificial division between one group of people and another (This comes up with your hatered of Bolivia). But if we are all to be altruistic, if it is our "ego", why prioritize one over the other? On your dictatorship and socialism it's just heaven storming, I see no real reason to support it. This national revolution just serves to further chain me.
- Hysteria - Behind the schizo aesthetics there is a pretty understandable tendency, one that seeks to expand schizophrenic creativity in any way possible. Just as Bassier calls Land a manic black Deleuzianism, one could describe your thoughts under a manic tendency towards the expansion of schizophrenia. However, besides my general disagreement that we should undergo this transformation, after all, schizoanalysis in its creative process doesn't emphasize schizophrenia in the literal sense, I find some key systematic issues here. After all, schizophrenia is the absolute limit of capitalism, capitalism is always coded in its operations. Land states that the technocapital singularity will be reached and this will be the full deterritorialization of capital, and it is for capital, however, this same deterritorialization leads to an intense mediation of all life. What is this if not an affront to affirmation, to creativity? After all your prose you come to a standpoint of privatization and a "revolt" that is not a rejection of the current forms of domination but instead its intensification.
- Proletariat Builder - For all we disagree on, you have at least an interesting thought process. You are inspired by more modern forms of liberatory philosophy, yet return to an ancient thought process based on totalizing cultural forms. I am sure you know what I think of identifying with some cultural group and basing one's identity around it. Through it, you place it as a totalizing strata in the mind, stifling the supposed freedom you wish for. White supremacy, patriarchy, etc are all inherently essentialist divisions in the mind. Along with this, your virtue ethics are incredibly faulty in basis, but perhaps more well-founded then deontology or utilitarianism.
- MEADOWSIN - I've read your page and skimmed through your substack (I'll read it over when I get the time). I find many things that I agree with to an extent, communization and insurrection, but I also find some things that go entirely contrary to these notions. For example, your idea of confederalism and patchwork, which is simply a panarchy. This is the freedom of powers domination, found through a choice of different systems, rather than the displacement of systems more generally. The free choice of masters does not change the existence of masters and slaves. As Compost has pointed out, this is no different than the state of postmodernity we find today, except more generalized. Along with this a panarchy is certainly not workable, capital after all opperates through a sublation that consumes a supposed physical outside. In complete opposition to this your notion of praxis is one of complete crime and violence. While I don't necessarily oppose this, destruction for the point of destruction just turns into an anti-production of sorts.
Notes
- ↑ I mostly take here from Stirner's egoism.
- ↑ I take mostly from Heidegger, Merleau-Ponty, and Levinas with minor influence from Sartre. I also take from the observations found in Deleuze and Guattari's deconstruction of the transcendent subject in phenomenology.
- ↑ I take from the vast majority of existentialist thinkers, but mostly from Nietzsche, Kierkegaard, Beauvoir and Camus.
- ↑ I take from the vast majority of post-structuralist thinkers, but mostly from Deleuze, Guattari, Foucault, and Baudrillard.
- ↑ I take primarily from Newman and Call here.
- ↑ I take from the vast majority of communizer groups and theorists, but I mostly take from Troploin, Tiqqun, and Culp. I am also largely influenced by Vaneigem's notion of the revolution of everyday life.
Comments
- HelloThere314 Comment below. I will be deleting old comments
- Shellshocked Communism - Critique me? I'd like to see what you think.
- Shellshocked Communism - The Panarchy-esque stuff (although it is absolutely not panarchy, A. you need to move to have a new ideological basis, and B. there's not going to be a literal "Marketplace of Ideas," that's gross. The idea is moreso to get around all of the issues we find in the modern day using a sacred-perversion of the national myth) is sort of new. I held to praxis of creating an unfolding absurdity that would show the absurd dullness of bureaucracy and the various systems we use to organize our way of being, until I realized that nationalism could be used in order to create a mythos and a reason for motion and feeling of reason within a person (similar to religion or IDpol in the US) without needing to directly oppress peoples into submission. Those that simply do not care about nationalism can thus find enjoyment, and those that need some purpose or don't want things to change can cling to that. I've kind of realized that groups with basis or who feel like their ideology or worldview means something do not wanna be negated, and to negate them by force is not dissimilar to oppression and subjugation, if of a different means. In order to combat the modern conspiracy, I feel we must create our own, and allow for a widespread shattering (due to insurrection and unrest) into splinter states with their own national mythos.