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This has intensified in the modern age with the rise of cybernetics and technology, in which societies of control have taken the place of the societies of discipline, territorial power now being decentralized across the entirety of society, all united around one social factory. Capital now grips every territory it can grip, it now able to freely accumulate and reproduce itself through the institutions it has created. In such a way, the dictatorship of capital has risen to become even more totalizing than under disciplinary societies. Capitalism with this is no longer just about the exercise of economic power by the bourgeoisie and capital but is now a biopolitical force of mass control and surveillance. So then, what is to be done? | This has intensified in the modern age with the rise of cybernetics and technology, in which societies of control have taken the place of the societies of discipline, territorial power now being decentralized across the entirety of society, all united around one social factory. Capital now grips every territory it can grip, it now able to freely accumulate and reproduce itself through the institutions it has created. In such a way, the dictatorship of capital has risen to become even more totalizing than under disciplinary societies. Capitalism with this is no longer just about the exercise of economic power by the bourgeoisie and capital but is now a biopolitical force of mass control and surveillance. So then, what is to be done? | ||
With the rise of the biopolitical institutions of power in the 1900s, came a reversal in the war of the classes. The proletariat has, even in its weakest moments, has risen to be the imposers upon capital. Through the unions, the councils, and various other means, the proletariat has been able to, even while working within the confines that capital allows it to affirm itself against aggression, and at various brief moments, has been able to use its spontaneous nature to ray mass destruction upon capital. It has self-organized itself at many times into a machine fueled by the temporarily freed desires of itself. It has been made clear by the proletarian struggles, their struggles to affirm themselves against capital, that the proletariat is an irreducibly autonomous force. | With the rise of the biopolitical institutions of power in the 1900s, came a reversal in the war of the classes. The proletariat has, even in its weakest moments, has risen to be the imposers upon capital. Through the unions, the councils, and various other means, the proletariat has been able to, even while working within the confines that capital allows it to affirm itself against aggression, and at various brief moments, has been able to use its spontaneous nature to ray mass destruction upon capital. It has self-organized itself at many times into a machine fueled by the temporarily freed desires of itself. It has been made clear by the proletarian struggles, their struggles to affirm themselves against capital, that the proletariat is an irreducibly autonomous force. We could also utilize the Sorelian explanation of this, whereas in the proletariat's affirmation of its desire and its independence from capitalist machinery through the use of the irrational weapons of violence, provoking bourgeois reaction. | ||
We can understand this better through Mario Tronti's analysis of the cycle of composition, the partial escapes from capital and the partial subjugating by capital. When the proletariat affirmed itself and its desire, capital could not destroy such a war machine, it could only counterattack by attempting to control the desires of the proletariat through the further biopolitization of social life. It counteracts the decoders of itself through both brute force in the short term and through recoding itself to become more resistant in the long term. | We can understand this better through Mario Tronti's analysis of the cycle of composition, the partial escapes from capital and the partial subjugating by capital. When the proletariat affirmed itself and its desire, capital could not destroy such a war machine, it could only counterattack by attempting to control the desires of the proletariat through the further biopolitization of social life. It counteracts the decoders of itself through both brute force in the short term and through recoding itself to become more resistant in the long term. | ||
Therefore, what is to be done is nothing more than the organizing of the proletariat into a war machine of its own, a mass fueled by desire and violence which embarks in its own offensive against capital, to free social life and the desire from the mechanic stratification of capital and the state, slaying the dragon of the intelligent social capital. It is a killing machine that self-acts without all the party and union forces that act in counterrevolution to it, it affirms its own independence. | |||
===[[File:StructMarx.png]] On The Theory of the State=== | ===[[File:StructMarx.png]] On The Theory of the State=== | ||
Revision as of 08:19, 28 October 2023
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Self Insert "People can really believe anything these days!" - Ismism This page is meant to represent Jefbol's political views. Please do not make any major edits without their permission. |
Coming svvn... be prepared for many more schizophrenic ramblings
I'll write shit here when I get the chance to/when I feel like it
Beliefs
On Democracy
The Proletariat and Modern Struggle
The proletariat are not silent and passive players in their struggle, they do not sit back and only act in reaction to the actions of capital, not at all. On the contrary, they play a much heavier role as the slayers of capital and its bourgeois meat hooks, they are active participants indeed. What do I mean by this?
Capital relies on the constant decoding of different territories in order to survive and thrive. It did so through its commodification and restructuring of the family, of the workplace, of all fixed social relations that belonged to the feudal reactionary past. It turned the old sovereign societal relations of the feudal order into disciplinary (and later controlling ones), that acted to control desire, most importantly the desire of the proletariat, to keep them from exercising their potential as a machine against capital itself and the network of biopolitical power that holds it up. Through the workplace, the educational system, the prison, and social life in general, capital entrenched itself and used its disciplinary power to crush the desires of its opposition.
This has intensified in the modern age with the rise of cybernetics and technology, in which societies of control have taken the place of the societies of discipline, territorial power now being decentralized across the entirety of society, all united around one social factory. Capital now grips every territory it can grip, it now able to freely accumulate and reproduce itself through the institutions it has created. In such a way, the dictatorship of capital has risen to become even more totalizing than under disciplinary societies. Capitalism with this is no longer just about the exercise of economic power by the bourgeoisie and capital but is now a biopolitical force of mass control and surveillance. So then, what is to be done?
With the rise of the biopolitical institutions of power in the 1900s, came a reversal in the war of the classes. The proletariat has, even in its weakest moments, has risen to be the imposers upon capital. Through the unions, the councils, and various other means, the proletariat has been able to, even while working within the confines that capital allows it to affirm itself against aggression, and at various brief moments, has been able to use its spontaneous nature to ray mass destruction upon capital. It has self-organized itself at many times into a machine fueled by the temporarily freed desires of itself. It has been made clear by the proletarian struggles, their struggles to affirm themselves against capital, that the proletariat is an irreducibly autonomous force. We could also utilize the Sorelian explanation of this, whereas in the proletariat's affirmation of its desire and its independence from capitalist machinery through the use of the irrational weapons of violence, provoking bourgeois reaction.
We can understand this better through Mario Tronti's analysis of the cycle of composition, the partial escapes from capital and the partial subjugating by capital. When the proletariat affirmed itself and its desire, capital could not destroy such a war machine, it could only counterattack by attempting to control the desires of the proletariat through the further biopolitization of social life. It counteracts the decoders of itself through both brute force in the short term and through recoding itself to become more resistant in the long term.
Therefore, what is to be done is nothing more than the organizing of the proletariat into a war machine of its own, a mass fueled by desire and violence which embarks in its own offensive against capital, to free social life and the desire from the mechanic stratification of capital and the state, slaying the dragon of the intelligent social capital. It is a killing machine that self-acts without all the party and union forces that act in counterrevolution to it, it affirms its own independence.
On The Theory of the State
The Divine Idol of Capital
The Spectacles of Biopolitics
Late Capitalism as Post-Fordism
Relations
Gemerald
Glorified Communism (
) - Very cool guy with very cool beliefs, perhaps the closest to me in terms of philosophical and political matches. I have little to disagree with.
Gem
Dust
Coal
Brimstone
Comments
Voidvill Rajandeep - Add me oh great ultra-leftist- Venatrixism - add me plz
Vistulism - Hello Jefbol, add me please if you wouldn't mind.
Brazilian Liberalism - Add
