Chapters on Social NationalismOriginal language: English
Original publication: 23 June 2023
Written by: Hubert Ziólkowski
Translated by: N/A
License of this version: CC0
Other language versions: N/A
Link to PDF: PDF
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CONTENTS
Introduction
About the Document
The manifesto I wrote some time ago lacked depth, partly due to my limited proficiency in writing and explaining concepts, and partly because I had not thoroughly envisionedthe intricate details of the hypothetical system I envisioned for an ideal Poland. This includes aspects such as term limits for elected representatives and the overall structure of the Fiscally Federal system. Furthermore, since the composition of the previous document, my ideas have evolved slightly, resulting in potential disparitiesin policies and concepts between the two.
Recently, I have had the opportunity to extensively explore this hypothetical state through collaborative projects with my friends. Consequently, I believe the time has come to transform "Notes on Social Nationalism" into a comprehensive manifesto rather than a hastily written piece intended solely to express my general beliefs. Given these circumstances, along with the additional factors of improved writing skills acquired through the mentioned project, assistancefrom AI, and my university education, I am pleased to present "Chapters on Social Nationalism."
I chose not to update "Notes on Social Nationalism" for several reasons. Firstly, its structure and content are confined in a way that does not align with the objectives of my current endeavor. Secondly, the previous document remains largely valid and can serve as a concise summary for those who prefer shorter readings. Moreover, I take pride in that document, as it marked my first foray into political writing. By keeping it separate, I can ensure it holds a special place in my heart and is preserved as an archived piece.
Some more about me
As an individual, I do not consider myself crucial in comprehending the ideology of social nationalism or the associated sub-ideologies, such as "Ziółkowskiizm" or "Kultokratism" attributed to me by certain individuals. Nonetheless, it is intriguing to explore the origins of the ideas presented below and how I arrived at the following conclusions.
I was born in Gorzów Wielkopolski, Poland, in January 2004, a few months prior to Poland's accession to the European Union, which occasionally prompts me to refer to my birth as occurring in "Independent Poland" as a joke. During my infancy, my mother, who was 22 years old at the timeand still pursuing her university education, and I resided in a dormitory. Ironically, I currently find myself living in a dormitory as well. Subsequently, I spent several years with my grandmother and grandfather as my mother initially had academic commitments and later relocated to the UK for economic reasons.
At the age of 8, my mother brought me to the UK, believing she was in a position to provide for me adequately. I spent a decade in the UK, an era that I recall with considerable negativity due to experiences of social isolation, homesickness, and relative poverty. It was during this period that some of my fundamental ideas, such as nationalism and perspectives on welfare, began to take shape. It is understandable that when one lacks certain things, such as their homeland or financial stability, they only then appreciate the worth of these things.
Returning to Poland felt like a personal triumph, as though I had overcome a significant struggle and emerged victorious. However, over time, I have settled into a state of emotional detachment, neither truly happy nor depressed. The true struggle that I, along with others, must confront is the battle against the contemporary status quo and system. By working together and remaining open to pragmatic approaches, we can address the reasons underlying the general discontent of the majority, recognizing that while immigration is terrible for mental well-being, it is not the primary cause.
Governing Structure
Kultokrat, Advisory board and Ministry of Foreign Relations
The term "Kultokrat" derives from the combination of two Polish words, "Kultura" (culture) and "Autokrata" (autocrat). Its essence lies in the notion that the Kultokrat assumes a position of authority in shaping the cultural landscape of the nation, ensuring the prevention of degeneracy and hedonism within society. While my ideal Poland would still operate under a separation of powers system, the Executive branch would consist of the Kultokrat and their ministers.
Understanding the government structure of this envisioned Poland requires grasping the concept of the Kultokrat. The Kultokrat would not be an elected position; instead, they would be appointed either by the previous Kultokrat as their successor, through the establishment of the position, or by a higher-ranking Kultokrat in the case of "kraj autonomy." The primary role of the Kultokrat is to preserve the moral foundation of the nation and safeguard its culture. To fulfill this objective, they would have two powerful tools at their disposal: the Advisory Board, inclusive of executive orders, and the Ministry of Foreign Relations, which the Kultokrat of the largest kraj (not necessarily the highest-ranking Kultokrat) would share with the appointed Minister of War.
The Advisory Board would consistof an elected representative from each powiat, serving a three-year term with the possibility of reelection. Each kraj within the country would have its own section within the advisory board, with the Kultokrat of that kraj representing the group. The highest-ranking Kultokrat (HRK) would oversee the advisory board and act as the head of state. Through consensus or a majority vote by the powiat representatives, the advisory board would draft legislation. Once the bill passes the powiat stage, the Kultokrats of each kraj would vote on it, and consensus or a majority vote would determine its passage at the Kraj stage. The final stage is the Kultokratic stage, where the HRK's approval or veto would decide the bill's fate. If approved, the HRK would sign it into law; if vetoed, it would not become law. The advisory board does not possess the power of a counter-veto, meaning that the HRK has the final say. The advisory board's purview is cultural and social issues; should they attempt to propose legislation on economic matters, the Judiciary can nullify the bill before it reaches the Kultokratic stage. Additionally, an executive order occurs when the Kultokrat presents an issue or draft bill to the advisory board, and the board formulates a bill outlining the details, organization, and solution pertaining to the matter, after which it undergoes the normal legislative processes. Initially, most laws processed by the advisory board would be in the form of executive orders, as they would efficiently address significant and pressing issues, while proposals originating directly from the advisory board would likely focus on more specific and less significant matters. Each Kraj would also have its own Advisory board, however this would not have groups and the Kraj stage wouldn’t exist.
The Ministry of Foreign Relations would comprise the Kultokrat of the largest kraj, determined by population size, and the Minister of War, who would be appointed by the HRK and serve as the Chief of the armed forces. These two individuals would shape the state's foreign policy and outlook, occasionally executing diplomatic endeavors themselves through country visits and negotiations, while delegating such responsibilities to lower-ranking personnel within the Ministry of Foreign Relations on other occasions.
Minister of Economy, Sejm and Kraj System
The executive branch of my envisioned Poland would consist of elected and appointed positions, with the Minister of Economy serving as the head of government and leader of the Sejm. This position would be the only elected role within the executive branch and would hold a seven-year tenure. The election process would utilize the optional preferential voting system, and candidates would be selected by the Ministry of Electoral Selection from the mostsuccessful think tanks representing various economic orientations.
The primary responsibility of the Minister of Economy would be to resolve disputes between voivodeships in the Fiscal Federalist system and oversee the legislative process of the Sejm concerning nationwide economic legislation.
The Sejm, the legislative body, would be composed of representatives at multiple levels. The Minister of Economy would occupy one seat, and an additional nine seats would be allocated to sub-ministers of their choosing. The composition of ministers within the Sejm would vary from session to session. Each voivode of the voivodeships would hold a seat and act as the leader of the powiat representatives within their respective voivodeships. The remaining seats would be filled by powiat representatives. Representatives in the Sejm would be elected through the optional preferential voting system and serve three-year terms. Voivode representatives would be elected by the Sejm representatives using the same candidature methodas the Minister of Economy and serve four-year terms. It is likely that a preference for centrist representatives would emerge due to the nature of the voivode's role. The Sejm would discuss and pass economic legislation for the entire state, such as national budget spending and trade, through consensus or majority voting. Once a bill passes the vote, it would be signed or vetoed by the Minister of Economy. If the minister vetoes the legislation, the Sejm can counter-veto and pass the bill with a two-thirds majority without the minister's approval. The bill can also be vetoed by the highest-ranking Kultokrat (HRK) if supported by 2/5 of the Sejm or by the judiciary if it is deemed a non-economic law but rather a social or cultural law.
Each voivodeship would have its own Sejm, operating in a similar manner to the national Sejm but without the presence of groups. This voivodeship Sejm would determine legislation specific to the voivodeship. At the local level, each powiat would have its own Sejm, consisting of a 95-member chamber with representatives elected in the same manner as those for the entire powiat. To participate in powiat or voivodeship elections, candidates would need to gather signatures from 3% of the population in the respective administrative division. Additionally, candidates would be required to join the ruling party (which might be named "Polish Part of Hope," "Social Nationalist Revolutionary People's Party," "Polish National Party," or "Social Nationalist People's Party") before or during the election process but prior to their first Sejm meeting. This affiliation would grant representatives access to necessary resources, archives, information, and tools to effectively carry out their duties. In the powiat Sejm, the role of the HRK would be assumed by the voivode, who could veto legislation with 2/5 of Sejm support, while the Sejm representative would assume the role of the Minister of Economy.
The kraj system would grant autonomy to native minority lands, such as the Kashubians and Silesiansin modern Poland. These regions would have their own Kultokrats and advisory boards, similar to the central government, and would have the authority to shape the cultural and social landscape of their respective countries. The krajs themselves would be divided into voivodeships and powiats and would operate with similar functions regarding the Sejm.
Given the nature of the Fiscal Federalism system, disputes between voivodeships and powiats may arise. Disputes between voivodeships would be addressed by a committee tasked with producing a report on the situation. The Minister of Economy would then use this report to resolve the dispute. Disputes between powiats would follow a similar process, with the responsibility of resolution falling to the voivode of therespective voivodeship. If a dispute involves powiats from different voivodeships, the voivodeship system would be utilized. The economic competition between powiats is expected to stimulate higher economic growth and facilitate the testing of different systems to identify the most efficient and humane approach. Individuals dissatisfied with their powiat's system would have the option to vote for change or easily relocate to a nearby powiat offering better quality of life and opportunities. This would encourage less competitive powiats to reform their systems or face population decline.
Other Major ministries
In my envisioned Poland, several ministries would play vital roles in the government's functioning. The Ministry of War, led by the Minister of War, would serve as the central organizer of the Polish armed forces. The Minister of War would assume the position of commander in chief and hold significant responsibility, overseeing the army's operations. Furthermore, the Minister of War would have an influential role in shaping foreign policy and collaborate with the Ministry of Innovation on military technology development.
The United Ministry of Central Economic Regulation, led by the Minister of Economy, would focus on the effective implementation of nationwide bills passed by the Sejm. This ministry would play a pivotal role in coordinating economic policies and ensuring their execution in a coherent manner.
Under the leadership of the Minister of Interbank Regulations, the Ministry of Interbank Regulations would be responsible for overseeing and enforcing regulations established by the Sejm on Voivodeship and powiat banks. This primarily involves areas such as national interest rates and currency issuance. The Minister of Interbank Regulations would be appointed by the Minister of Economy.
The Ministry of Electoral Selection, led by the Minister of Electoral Selection, would have the crucial task of identifying eligible candidates for Voivodeship and Minister of Economy elections. Additionally, the ministry would ensure that powiat representatives belong to the ruling party. It would also be responsible for regulating electoral campaign funding and combating corruption within the government. Corruption within the government would carry severe consequences, including the possibility of the death penalty.
The National Regulatory Authority of Television, Radio, the Internet, and all technological communications would consist of a select committee appointed by the highest-ranking Kultokrat (HRK), comprising fiveprominent members who would subsequently appoint the remaining committee members. This authority would have several responsibilities, including enforcing laws passed by the advisory board pertaining to social media and technological communications. It would also implement censorship laws established by the Sejm or advisory board. Furthermore, the authority would disseminate information about the state's internal affairs to the Polish diaspora worldwide and promote repatriation efforts. Lastly, it would play a crucial role in upholding traditional values as outlined in the constitution and advisory board legislation.
While there would be numerous other ministries within the government, these aforementioned ones would be permanent and operational from the inception of my ideal Poland. Additional ministries may be established or dissolved based on the state's needs and circumstances.
The need for a new constitution
The existing Polish constitution possesses considerable depth and is not inherently flawed. However, in order to establish a functional system of governance, certain additions and modifications would be necessary, leading to the drafting and enactment of a new constitution. This updated constitution would be divided into three sections to address distinct aspects.
Section One would encompass the general organizational framework of the government, outlining its structure, functioning, and the specifics of various components such as the kraj system, powiat system, ministries, roles of the Kultokrat and other leaders, and more. Its purpose would be to establish a comprehensive blueprint for the functioning of the government.
Section Two would consist of unalterable laws pertaining to culture and society. These provisions would encompass cultural norms, symbolic representations, certain traditional expectations, and ethical principles that must be universally respected and adhered to by the entire nation. These laws would be considered foundational and immune to future modifications.
Section Three would encompass miscellaneous matters that do not fall under the purview of the preceding sections. This would include regulations pertaining to the ZZ, the role of the GS, procedures for foreign policy, the functioning of military law, and the classification of conscription as a "Fiscal-Cultural-Administrative" Law, thereby placing it under the shared responsibility of the Sejm, Ministry of War, and advisory board. This section would serve as a repository for diverse provisions that do not fit within the thematic scope of the other sections.
The Constitution, once enacted, would be an immutable document unless technological advancements fundamentally alter human nature to the extent that constitutional reform becomes necessary for the country's proper functioning. Asthe highest law within Poland, no other legislation, decree, or executive order would be allowed to contradict the principles outlined in the constitution. In the event of a contradiction, the Judiciary would nullify the conflicting law, and severe penalties would be imposed on the offenders for undermining the laws of the nation.
Diplomacy and Geopolitics
Diplomatic structure
I propose the adoption of a reformed and meticulously evaluated diplomatic system, drawing inspiration from the diplomatic framework established by the Congress of Vienna. This system would involve the classification and appointment of diplomats, envoys, and Chargé d'affaires, which would aid in determining the significance of certain states in our geopolitical outlook and facilitate a more organized approach to diplomatic roles. Furthermore, implementing such a system would yield cost savings, as maintaining envoys (which would be comprising the majority of our diplomatic staff) is less expensive than ambassadors (the highest diplomatic and widely used rank held by every country).
Under this proposed diplomatic system, a Polish embassy would be established as a distinct and sovereign building in the capital city of the host nation. The embassy would be staffed by approximately 300 individuals, consisting of Polish citizens fulfilling various roles such as cleaners, maintenance personnel, and other staff members. Security would be provided by military personnel from our country. In the case of an envoy operation, a Polish envoyship would be established in a city within the host country, potentially in its capital, although not mandated. While the envoyship would operate from a separate building, it would not hold sovereign status. The security personnel would generally be locally hired,and the staff size would typically be around 100 individuals. In a Chargé d'affaires operation, no dedicated building would be established. A Polish Chargé d'affaires would only travel to the respective country when necessary for negotiations or long-termassignments, and their accommodation may be arranged in a hotel or provided by the host country. The staff size for a Chargé d'affaires operation would usually be limited to 1-5 individuals.
Diplomatic operations would primarily be reserved for our most important allies and global great powers. Envoys would be deployed to most other countries, while Chargé d'affaires operations would be suitable for countries that are either unfriendly, exceptionally small, or of minimal importance to Poland's international position. To align with the contemporary geopolitical landscape, embassies would be established in countries such as Russia, China, the United States, Hungary, Czechia, Slovakia, and Germany. Envoys would be appointed for most other nations, while Chargéd'affaires would be designated for countries like Bhutan, Monaco, Nepal, or Paraguay, which, without intending any disrespect, do not hold substantial relevance in international relations. The determination of embassy, envoy, and Chargé d'affaires assignments would be entrusted to the Ministry of Foreign Relations, with diplomats, envoys, and Chargé d'affaires representing Poland in these countries being appointed by the ministry.
Concept of the Ziółkowski doctrine
The "Ziółkowski doctrine," also known asthe "Tri-influence idea" or "Triple point doctrine," posits that the modern-day great powers consist of the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, and the United States of America. This concept emphasizes the need for permanent flexibility inPolish foreign policy to safeguard our national interests both in the present and the future. The doctrine further aims to maintain an independent cultural landscape in the country, preventing an overwhelming dominance of cultural influence from any single great power, be it the US, Russia, or China (with the US being particularly relevant in today's context). By allowing these three great powers to compete for influence within Poland, the doctrine facilitates mutually beneficial investments, guarantees, and programs, while ensuring Poland retains its independence and avoids becoming subservient or forcibly aligned with any one power.
Another key aspect of the Ziółkowski doctrine is the concept of Global Nationalism, sometimes referred to as Universal Nationalism. At its core, Global Nationalism advocates for the autonomy of every nationality, promoting the idea that each group should have self-governance distinct from a central government or the establishment of its own nation-state, with the goal of givingevery nation autonomy worldwide, if not full out independence. Within Poland, the Kraj system serves as the embodiment of Universal Nationalism, enabling the implementation of autonomous governance for different national groups within the country's borders.
Current Polish national interests
Currently, Poland faces several significant challenges that have consistently gone unaddressed and unresolved. Politicians have focused on internal policies rather than tackling pressing international issues. One majorconcern is the ongoing global recession and high inflation. While internal policies can provide some assistance, addressing these problems internally is a more difficult path. Imposing sanctions on the Russian Federation has proven ineffective for us. In line with the Ziółkowski doctrine, we advocate for lifting sanctions on Russia, reinstating trade and political relations. Russia is one of the great powers with which we seek to maintain a delicate balance. It is crucial to attract more Chinese and Russian investments and foster trade with countries in the East, such as Belarus and Russia. The strained relations between blocs have worsened the economy as trade and investments that were once established have been abruptly severed. Treating everything related to Russia as taboo was unnecessary and should be rectified promptly. Our main concern should not be preserving Ukraine's current borders; rather, we should focus on opposite actually, which I will explain below.
Secondly, winning the "Global culture law"is imperative. While economic matters, taxes, and retirement age are important issues, they do not address or prioritize the most significant demographic within our country—the youth. Social isolation, mental health problems stemming from hedonism, complications related to gender ideology, and hyper-individualism are plaguing the youth. Even if we manage to resolve these issues internally, their impact will still permeate our society through channels like social media, travel, and communication. Therefore,unless we intend to isolate ourselves completely and sever all external connections, we must acknowledge that the so-called "culture war" is a global issue that requires a collective effort from allied nations. Presently, the United States is the main advocate of these harmful ideas. Consequently, our foreign policy should reflect this reality, regulating our relations with the US to ensure that economic, diplomatic, and investment interactions are not tainted by degenerate influences, but rather uphold traditional values. This is one reason I support the implementation of a "progressivist tax."
Thirdly, we must address the incorporation of eastern Galicia. This region was historically Polish for over 400 years, and the people who resided there are still within our modern borders. These individuals are from eastern Galicia, not Pomerania or Lubusz despite living there, and they await the opportunity to return to their native land. The region was unjustly taken from us in 1918 (until we retook it) and permanently seized in 1945. The current situation in the east presents an opportunity for us to engage with the leadership in Kiev and assert our rightful claim. We should make a firm demand that, in order to continue receiving even relative support from us, theymust return what rightfully belongs to Poland. Should they refuse, we have alternative measures at our disposal, including the cessation of all aid to Ukraine, the termination of NATO programs aiding Ukraine from within Poland, and the potential sharing of confidential information, troop locations, and classified documents with the Russian Federation.
Lastly, American Cultural Imperialism poses a significant challenge. There is an influx of American products, culture, and English loanwords permeating the Polish cultural sphere. Our institutions must not tolerate this encroachment as we possess our own rich cultural background and a much longer history than the United States. It is vital to preserve our unique culture and nation. Foreign influences should beminimized, and precautions must be taken to prevent any other great power from exerting a substantial impact on our cultural identity. While appreciating and incorporating certain symbols and music from other cultures is acceptable, they should not overshadow our own cultural heritage.
US, exporter of degeneracy 1970-, and the creation of ‘Ukraine’
There are two historical points that have consistently sparked controversy whenever I bring them up in conversation. To avoid engaging in chaotic discussions,I will outline them here.
Firstly, the shift in United States policy around the 1970s. Prior to this period, the Vietnam War had a profound impact on the culture and politics of the United States. The war was not only unjust but also deeply unpopular due to the high number of casualties suffered by the US army and the atrocities committed. This led to the emergence of the Anti-war movement, which advocated for the withdrawal of US forces from Vietnam. Initially successful, the movement gradually evolved asthe growing consumer culture, resulting from post-World War II economic reforms, allowed for the co-option of its popularity and expansion by various groups, collectively known as the "hippie movement." Unfortunately, this movement was comprised of hyperprogressivist agitators and individuals seeking to normalize hedonistic behaviors. The majority of the country responded negatively to this shift, in addition to the impact of violent civil rights riots. In the 1968 United States presidential elections, Richard Nixon, a nationalist candidate, was elected. Nixon vigorously opposed the hippie movement and successfully initiated diplomatic relations with China and the USSR, implementing détente to foster coexistence between the two blocs. He continued his efforts until the Watergate scandal, which was orchestrated by the CIA with support from corrupt elites. The CIA's motivation for this action stemmed from their alignment with the wealthy elite, who recognized the profitability of degenerate and hedonistic lifestyles, marking the emergence of a "pink capitalist" nature in the US. The CIA sought to remove Nixon from power because his pursuit of détente threatened their interests, as reduced tensions would result in fewer CIA operations against communist states. This, in turn, would lead to decreased funding for the organization. Additionally, the CIA was ideologically opposed to communism and did not support the notion of coexistence between blocs. After Nixon's removal, Gerald Ford assumed the presidency. Regrettably, Ford proved to be an ineffective leader and failed to advance Nixon's mission. He focused instead on repairing the economy, although credit can be given for his stance against abortion and, to a limited extent, his continuation of détente policies. Towards the end of Ford's tenure, he was defeated by Jimmy Carter, a progressive president. By the time Carter took office, the progressive movement had already infiltrated various institutions throughout the country, and he took no action against this trend. Subsequent presidents would delve further into progressivism or embrace individualism/libertarianism, which essentially amounted to apathy towards degeneracy. For instance, Reagan futilely attempted to combat the Eastern Bloc while allowing his own country to suffer its grim fate. Following the post-Watergate US policy, particularly after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the United States became the primary exporter of these ideas rooted in the hippie movement. Unfortunately, these ideas have been detrimental to the world, leading to the overthrow of moralist regimes such as Gaddafi or Hussein, and attempts to topple the Assad and Putin regimes.
Throughout history, the United States has exhibited a consistent tendency towards imperialism since its inception. One notable example of this inclination can be traced back to the Revolutionary War which was partially started because the British impeded the westward expansion of American colonists. From its early days, the United States has pursued an imperialistic agenda, resulting in the displacement and subjugation of native populations in North America, as well as the assimilation of French American and Spanish American cultures.
This pattern of behavior persisted throughout much of American history, with a few exceptions during periods of isolationism and the presidency of Woodrow Wilson (with regard to Europe). Instances of American imperialism occurred prior to World War I, such as the Opium Wars, the United States expedition to Korea (1871), the Egyptian Expedition (1882), the Philippine–American War (1899–1902), the Mexican Border War (1910–1919), the United States occupation of Nicaragua (1912–1933), the United States occupation of Haiti (1915–1934), and the United States occupation of the Dominican Republic (1916–1924). Post-World War I, American involvement in the Intervention in the Russian Civil War emerged. Subsequently, the United States engaged in the Korean War (1950–1953), the Vietnam War, the Laotian Civil War, the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the Dominican Civil War, the Cambodian Civil War, the United States invasion of Grenada (1983), the Bombing of Libya (1986), the United States invasion of Panama (1989–1990), the Gulf War (1990–1991), the First U.S. Intervention in the Somali Civil War (1992–1995), the Bosnian War and Croatian War (1992–1995), the Intervention in Haiti (1994–1995), the Kosovo War (1998–1999), the War in Afghanistan (2001–2021), the American intervention in Yemen (2002–present), the Iraq War (2003–2011), the Second U.S. Intervention in the Somali Civil War (2007–present), the International intervention in Libya (2011), the American-led intervention in Syria (2014–present), and the Russo-Ukrainian war (2022–present).
Therefore, our mission against the United States serves not only to counteract degeneration and advance the individual goals of Poland, but it also has a moral justification for opposing the United States' actions that undermine the sovereignty, freedom, and self-determination of nations. As long as the United States perpetuates its historical imperialistic tendencies, it will continue to exploit weaker states seeking autonomy and resist the establishment of a moral order. Moreover, it will persist in opposing any powers that strive to foster geopolitical balance, thereby diminishing the United States' standing as the sole superpower.
Secondly, the origins of the state of Ukraine are a complex and extensive topic that warrants in-depth discussion. However, for the purpose of brevity, I will provide a concise explanation of keyevents and the development of the constructed identity.
Before 1880, the region encompassing Ukraine and Belarus was fiercely contested by various countries such as the Russian Empire, Lithuania, Poland, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Crimean Khanate, the Ottoman Empire, as well as entities like Khazaria and the Magyars. Although multiple groups inhabited the area, three main semi-permanent groups emerged: Russians, Poles, and Ruthenians. The Ruthenians identified themselves as a blend of Polish and Russian influences, thus forming a distinct semi-separate group. Concentrated primarily in areas like Kiev, Zhytomyr, Rivne, Cherkasy, Pinsk, Mazyr, Minsk, Mogilev, and Polotsk, their settlements were frequently exchanged between Polish and Russian ownership. On the other hand, regions such as Grodno, Brest, and Lwów remained predominantly Polish, while Donetsk, Luhansk, Dnipro, Crimea, Poltava, and Vitebsk were largely Russian. The emergence of the Cossacks in the region can be attributed to the integration of certain aspects of nomadic culture left behind by the Mongols and related groups, which became incorporated into the Russian(in the south)and Ruthenian cultures.
In the 1880s, the Ruthenian identity began to diverge due to opposition to the Tsar and foreign influences. This divergence stemmed from the power struggle between the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Russian Empire over the Balkans, known as the Eastern Question. Membership inthe League of the Three Emperors alliance forced Austria-Hungary to seek alternative means of weakening Russia and exerting influence in the Balkans. The Ruthenians in the southern regions, heavily influenced by Cossack culture, were more inclined to challenge authority. Simultaneously, conflicts and tensions in the Balkans affected the region, with people feeling neglected and unsafe under the central government of the Russian Empire. Moreover, the fertile land in the area contributed significantly to the agricultural output of the Russian Empire, leading to a sense of underappreciation among the local farmers. Although dialogue during this era was challenging due to monarchist elitism, Austria-Hungary capitalized on destabilizing the Russian Empire by exploiting the Galician Ruthenian minority. They propagated the idea that this group constituted a distinct entity separate from Russian and Polish identities within its own territories, a notion that quickly gained traction within the Russian Empire. This newly constructed identity came to be known as "Ukrainian." However, this did not sit well with the Ruthenians in the North, who continued to identify as Russians, resulting in the split between Ruthenians and the emergence of "Belarusians."
In 1917, the first Ukrainian state was established. This idea, which had been growing for several decades, was finally put into action, with the country intended to provide agricultural resources to the Central Powers during the war. Subsequently, the Ukrainian identity was further disseminated during the years of occupation and the state's existence.
In 1918, in eastern Galicia, the Ruthenian minority, with support from elements of the Jewish minority, declared the West Ukrainian People's Republic. This attempt aimed to remove Galicia from Poland's control. Ultimately, the West Ukrainian People's Republic was defeated by the Polish army and ceased to exist.
Following the Treaty of Riga in 1921, all separatist Ukrainian states were incorporated into either Poland or the Soviet Union. Some radical supporters of the Ukrainian identity continued engaging in terrorism in the southeastern region of Poland in collaboration with the Reichswehr, leading up to World War II.
In 1941, after the invasion of the Soviet Union, the Germans established a Ukrainian state named Reichskommissariat Ukraine. Interestingly, the Germans did not include Lviv within this territory (which remained part of the General Government regime) and excluded eastern areas (which were placed under Reichskommissariat Moscow). This demarcation was a result of the meticulous ethnic research conducted by the Germans across Europe to determine appropriate borders.
From 1941 to 1943, Ukrainians began resisting German commands due to the denial of further territorial expansion and their unsuccessful attempt to claim Aryan status. The Ukrainian Insurgent Army/Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (UPA/OUN) committed the genocide of Poles in Volhynia, resulting in the death of 100,000 Poles. The brutality of these acts prompted even Hitler to send guns to the Poles to assist in their defense.
In 1944, Reichskommissariat Ukraine was dismantled, but partisan groups continued to fight.
In 1948, the OUN/UPA were finally eradicated.
In 1954, Nikita Khrushchev transferred Crimea to the Ukrainian SSR for reasons that remain unclear, althoughit was officially stated as a "gift."
In 1992, the Ukrainian SSR gained independence.
Between 1992 and 2014, Russia and Ukraine had dynamic relations, with periods of mostly positive interactions. Russia maintained significant influence over Ukraine, which housed a substantial Russian minority. Maintaining Ukraine's official independence was preferable to Russia, as annexation would have posed numerous challenges. Instead, agreements focused on neutrality, cooperation, and the recognition of the rights of South Ruthenians and Russians in the region as equals.
In 2014, the United States and the European Union adopted strategies similar to those employed by Austria and Germany, aiming to use Ukraine as a source of inexpensive foodstuffs and as a frontier against Russian anti-progressivist influences. This led to the Euromaidan revolution, which toppled the legitimate Ukrainian president and installed a Western-backed leader. Russia responded by safeguarding the interests of the Russian majority in Crimea, leading to heightened tensions. In Donbass, discontented Russians, whose elected president had been forcefully removed, rose up in opposition.
In 2019, due to the Armistice and easing of relations with Donbass, President Poroshenko was perceived as too conciliatory. Western powers, concerned about losing their influence over Ukraine, installed another puppet leader, President Zelenskyy. Under Zelenskyy's administration, violence towards the Russian community in Ukraine escalated, and violations of the armistice occurred through artillery shelling of Donbass towns.
In 2022 as a response to the violence against Russians in the region, the Russian Federation moved to reintegrate the predominantly Russian areas of Novorossya to prevent further ethnic cleansing. Despite the desire to participate in peace talks, the Kiev regime insists that the region of Novorossya is non-negotiable, perpetuating the continuation of the war.
These two pivotal developments/events hold significant importance in comprehending Poland's current position and geopolitical role. They provide essential insights into the actions necessary to protect our cultural heritage and rectify historical injustices. By delving deeper into these subjects, we gain a comprehensive understanding of our mission and international standing, which goes beyond the narratives propagated by the Western world and mainstream media.
Applying the Ziółkowski doctrine and Historical knowledge to the Russo-Ukrainian war
Now, let us delve into the central focus of the geopolitical controversies and the underlying rationale for the preceding section: my unwavering support for Russia in the Russo-Ukrainian war. As illustrated in the earlier discussion, the United States' attempt to draw Ukraine into its sphere of influence will yield unfavorable outcomes for the Ukrainian populace. This includes the proliferation of societal degradation and associated challenges affecting the youth and the general population. Additionally, the current state of Ukraine is built upon historical injustices and overextended borders.
It is important to emphasize that advocating for Russia's cause does not imply a desire to eradicate the South Ruthenian people. Personally, I harbor disdain for the neo-Banderist government and all those involved in its operations. However, my sentiments do not extend to the South Ruthenian people. Rather, I firmly believe that the Ruthenian state currently called Ukraine should be appropriately named "Ruthenia," "South Ruthenia," or "Kiev state," and its borders should berectified in accordance with principles of historical justice. The people of South Ruthenia do not deserve the hardships they are enduring, nor should they be exploited or indoctrinated by the Americans. In many ways, the South Ruthenian population is subjected to a more extreme version of the pervasive American influence experienced by the Polish people. Nevertheless, some Poles, including myself, and certain Ruthenians, such as the Malorossyan Liberation Army, have managed to resist succumbing to American brainwashing.
Considering these factors, I lend my support to the Russian Federation in its historical struggle against the US-controlled and morally degraded West, including NATO. It is evident that Ukraine has transformed into a vast NATO colony, akin to Kosovo. Russia must regain control over the southern territories called Novorossiya, to safeguard its citizens from violent actors. Similarly, Poland must reclaim Eastern Galicia to rectify historical injustices and provide an opportunity for exiled Poles to return to their homeland. Romania and Hungary share a similar imperative. As for the remaining lands, which genuinely belong to the Ruthenian people, they should exist as an independent state, one that genuinely prioritizes the well-being of the South Ruthenian also known as “Ukrainian”, population.
Regrettably, the current Zelenskyy regime has succumbed to Western influence and moral decay. Tensions have arisen with the Orthodox Church, and the regime continues to engage in ethnic cleansing against the Russian minority in Ukraine. Such injustices inflicted upon both the Russian and South Ruthenian people demand rectification.
Conclusion
Based on the aforementioned text, it becomes evident why I hold reservations towards various aspects associated with NATO. While there exist additional historical contexts within the issues of Kosovo, Armenia, and the China situation, which may influence my support in certain situations, the factors previously mentioned serve as the primary catalyst guiding my allegiances. In order to address international conflicts and the overall state of the global community, a comprehensive examination of numerous aspects is necessary. However, as a general principle, it is often prudent to lend either full or partial support to the non-Western country or entity involved in a given dispute, considering the prevailing dynamics within this particular sphere of the world and the inherent nature of the NATO organization.
Economics
Nationwide laws
As previously mentioned, I advocate for the implementation of a system known as Fiscal Federalism, wherein the local administration would assume responsibility for the majority of economic affairs within each powiat. However, it is essential to establish certain fundamental rights for both workers and the general population, which would be outlined in the third section of the constitution.
First and foremost, I would like to present my general perspective on economics. While I have emphasized that it is not as paramount as other pressing issues, such as foreign policy and cultural/social matters, it remains vital for a country to possess a robust and thriving economy to sustain its operations, particularly for a state aspiring to pursue universal nationalism. Recognizing this need, I believe in striking a balance between workers' rights, social welfare, and care, as well as promoting competitiveness, freedom, and opportunity. Consequently, each powiat would be granted the autonomy to determine how they wish to structure their respective economies. However, I aim to incorporate elements from both left-wing and right-wing ideologies into certain nationwide laws, so as to prevent the country from veering towards either extreme end of the economic spectrum.
The specific intricacies of these national laws would be subject to extensive discussions with Polish society and experts well-versed in legal matters. Broadly speaking, they would entail safeguarding the right to property ownership (excluding intellectual property), ensuring the protection of workers' rights, guaranteeing that welfare benefits are allocated to native citizens rather than immigrants, and implementing robust tariffs to minimize net imports, thereby bolstering aggregate demand and fortifying our economy. By adopting such balanced and foundational economic positions, we would create a flexible framework that empowers each powiat to shape its own unique economic policies, while still maintaining a degree of legal coherence throughout the state.
Things I support but won’t enforce
Given my propensity for holding various viewpoints, it is only natural that I have developed thoughts on the ideal economic landscape. However, I acknowledge the unique circumstances of each region within the country, necessitating tailored laws and regulations. Broadly speaking, my economic stance aligns with that of a social democrat. I advocate for a mixed economy that combines elements of social welfare with the principles of a capitalist system. In this regard, I propose the establishment of select state-owned enterprises, such as those responsible for electricity provision, water services, and a central bank. Additionally, I support the nationalization of a vodka/beer production company, alongside a strong emphasis on bolstering public transportation networks.
Transport, Health and funding the government and army
In terms of transportation, I advocate for a gradual transition away from reliance on cars towards a comprehensive and affordable public transport system. Each city and town should have well-established tram stations and bus networks, ensuring convenient mobility within the area with a minimum of five stops. The need for such systems in villages would be assessed on a case-by-case basis, considering factors such as walking distances. The Ministry of Transportation would oversee the planning and implementation of transport infrastructure, tailoring solutions to the specific requirements of each settlement. Although the ministry's existence would ideally be temporary, the complexity of the task may necessitate its ongoing presence. Intercity transportation would primarily involve buses, with trains reserved for long-distance journeys, such as from Gdańsk to Kraków.
Regarding healthcare, I propose granting each powiat the autonomy to determine the organization of their health systems. However, individuals would be required to seek treatment from hospitals and doctors within their respective powiats. This approach ensures fairness among powiats, as those contributing taxes to support free healthcare services should primarily benefit from them. Decisions on funding the government and military would follow a specific process. The annual budget and expenditure would be calculated and shared with the Ministry of Economy, which could rely on a hypothetical Ministry of Statistics and Surveys or a similar entity. This ministry would determine the population of each powiat and allocate contributions to the national budget proportionally based on each powiat's population percentage. The designated amount would then be collected from each powiat, as long as it meets the quota and adheres to legal procedures. The specific means by which the powiat obtains the necessary funds is of secondary importance, as long as it is done in a lawful manner.
Culture/Society
Immigration
I believe in implementing stringent limitations on immigration to our country. In my vision of an ideal Poland, individuals seeking to immigrate must meet strict criteria. Firstly, upon entering Polish territory, they are required to renounce their previous identity and loyalties, pledging full allegiance to Poland and its mission. Secondly, prospective immigrants must fill crucial labor market gaps that the Polish population either does not want to or cannot fulfill. Lastly, they should originate from nations that share ethnic, cultural, or historical similarities with Poland.
Once these requirements are met, individuals can apply for an immigration visa. Upon arrival, they will undergo the necessary procedures to obtain relevant identification documents. However, it is crucial to maintain law and order within our society. Therefore, if an immigrant commits a minor offense within the first two years of residing in Poland, deportation will be enforced. Similarly, engaging in a major crime within the first ten years will also result in deportation. Beyond the ten-year mark, immigrants will be granted citizenship and will no longer be subject to deportation, though they may still face potential exile. It is important to note that this treatment aligns with the standard protocol applicable to all citizens.
In the context of refugees, Poland would extend assistance to individuals from ethnically or culturally similar nations if deemed necessary. However, they would be housed separately from the wider society, residing in designated facilities that provide basic necessities for their well-being. As soon as conditions permit their safe return, they would be repatriated to their home countries. Additionally, Poland could consider accepting refugees from hyperprogressivist countries with the intention of either incorporating them into the volunteer force for their country's liberation or facilitating their return when their native land adopts a more humane political landscape.
LGBT and related
The reason the term used is "LGBT" instead of "LGBT+" is because I hold the belief that concepts such as "queer" and other invented categories lack validity. In my perspective, the concerns of the gender minority community primarily encompass the lesbian, gay, bisexual (LGB), and transgender (T) individuals, as no other identities exist or should be acknowledged within society. Regarding individuals who identify as homosexual, lesbian, or bisexual, there should technically be no legislation impeding their existence. However, legislation would exist that these individuals keep their personal preferences private and present themselves in public settings as any other ordinary individual would. As long as this distinction between public and private life is maintained, these groups have the right to exist.
Pride parades, given their promotionof these groups to the broader society and youth, should be prohibited. It is important to create a separation between these ideas, images, and thoughts and the younger generation. If individuals truly find someone of the same sex attractive, they can explore those feelings on their own, without the involvement of any institutions. In terms of same-sex marriage, I believe that marriage is a religious institution and should be exclusively between a man and a woman. Instead, individuals can enter into a legally recognized civil union.
Regarding transgender individuals, they can choose to undergo gender-affirming surgery once they reach adulthood. Only after the surgery has taken place will their official documents reflect their new gender. Prior to that, their legal gender will align with their biological sex. Any other gender identities or orientations outside of the aforementioned categories will be actively opposed by the government, media, institutions, schools, and society. They will not be recognized as legal, and anyone supporting these identities will face legal consequences, potentially including imprisonment. Certain principles, such as defining marriage as a religious institution between a man and a woman, as well as prohibiting non-LGBT gender identities, will be included in the constitution.
Freedom of Speech
Regarding freedom of speech, there are two aspects I would like to address: discriminatory/offensive speech and anti-government speech. In the case of discriminatory/offensive speech, it is my belief that there should be no regulations, allowing individuals the freedom to express their opinions within the bounds of the law. Naturally, this includes the potential for verbal exchanges and responses from opposing viewpoints, which should also be legally permissible. It is important, however, to ensure that such exchanges do not escalate into violence or physical altercations. Insults and offensive speech should be considered within the realm of fair expression, as long as they do not cross these boundaries.
In the context of anti-government speech, there should generally be leniency. It is acceptable for individuals to voice their discontent with the government, especially if accompanied by constructive ideas for reform. However, advocating for the government's removal through violent or unlawful means, as well as proposing changes that would violate constitutional provisions, should be considered illegal and subject to legal consequences. Expressing support for what is perceived as Western degeneracy would be highly discouraged, although the specific legal repercussions for such actions would likely be minor, such as reprimands or psychological impact.
As for television channels, only the state-run broadcasting channel would be permitted to disseminate news. Private firms would be allowed to do so once they have earned the government's trust over a specific period of time and as long as they adhere to the regulations set by the National Regulatory Authority of Television, Radio, the Internet, and other technological communications. Non-political television channels, on the other hand, would be allowed to operate under the ownership of private individuals and would function similarly to the current system.
Freedom of Religion
The government's religious approach should adopt a balanced stance, combining secular principles with cultural religiosity. The official policy should ensure the legality of practicing any religion, without the government exerting undue influence or coercion on individuals' religious beliefs. It is important to acknowledge that Poland has historically been a predominantly Catholic country and is likely to remain so. Therefore, no special provisions or public resources will be allocated for the construction of mosques or other religious structures beyond those traditionally associated with the Catholic faith.
Christian holidays, which currently include designated days off, will continue to be observed without alteration or the addition of holidays from other religions. The Catholic Church, as a significant and traditional institution for the Polish people, should be exempt from taxation, similar to how museums and graveyards are not taxed. However, places of worship belonging to other religions will be subject to regular taxation, treated on par with ordinary buildings.
Regarding my personal religious affiliation, I identify as a member of the sedevacantist sect of Catholicism. I believe that the state should promote this particular religious sect as an alternative to Roman Catholicism, given my concerns about the current pope espousing progressivist heresies that deviate from the traditional Catholic way of life. Additionally, from a pragmatic standpoint, it is important to minimize the influence of the pope in our state affairs, as there is a possibility that the pope may not align with our state's interests. We aim to prevent any potential disruptions caused by the pope inciting rebellion or discord among the population.
There are individuals who argue that religions like Catholicism, which emphasize a transcendent world beyond this earthly existence as the ultimate and paramount destination, are destructive. They claim that such belief systems discourage caring for the present world, promoting a passive acceptance of circumstances while awaiting the final destination. However, I hold the opposite viewpoint, asserting that this interpretation is misguided and should be dispelled. The existence of a higher realm does not diminish the significance of the current world; on the contrary, it remains profoundly important. The notion of a safety net in the afterlife encourages and advocates for proactive engagement, unless there are doubts regarding the righteousness and morality of one's cause. In such instances, it is prudent to reassess the cause at hand.
Pursuing a just and moral cause is a virtuous deed for the world. Provided that one repents for any misdeeds committed, taking action aligns with the expectation that heaven awaits. Therefore, one should act with the belief that failure may result in either success (which inherently carries no drawbacks) or death, leading to heaven's blissful state if the cause is just. Moreover, the commonly misunderstood interpretation of "turn the other cheek" is not an injunction against taking appropriate action for the greater good. Rather, it cautions against petty vengeance rooted in ego and personal conflicts. In reality, it encourages a collectivist mindset, emphasizing contributions to the common good over self-interest, and takes a pragmatic approach that avoids needlessly damaging relationships or creating disturbances over inconsequential matters in the long run.
This is why I hold a favorable view of Catholicism. However, it is important to reiterate that I do not advocate for the enforcement of this belief system or any other religion for frivolous reasons such as its connection to nature. Such endeavors would be unrealistic and would necessitate resorting to mass violence against the Polish population.
Cultural Unity
The structure of Polish society should be founded on collectivist principles, emphasizing the collective effort in working towards the nation's best interests and the greater good. Individualism, on the other hand, should be discouraged and regarded as socially undesirable. The core belief is that individual actions hold little value without the unity of the nation, which has the power to enact meaningful change and progress aligned with our national interests and the principles of universal nationalism.
To safeguard our cultural identity and protect it from foreign influences, it would be appropriate to mandate that all businesses operating within Poland adopt Polish names for their local operations. Additionally, it would be necessary to require vocal translations for films and cartoons intended for the Polish public. These measures aim to maintain the prominence of the Polish language and culture within our society.
In terms of flag protocol, a law should be established stipulating that the Polish flag must be flown above the flag of any foreign country, or at the same level in the case of diplomatic visits or important international organizations where Poland is a participating member. Displaying flags of enemy countries should generally be prohibited, unless there is a deliberate intent to publicly destroy them. However, the possession of flags for the purpose of collection should remain legal. It is crucial to emphasize that any act of burning the Polish flag should be strictly illegal, as it constitutes a direct attack on the symbolism and identity of our nation.
These principles and regulations would also extend to autonomous regions within the country, with a recognition of semi-bilingualism in areas where Polish remains the majority language, such as in hypothetical Silesian or Kashubian autonomous regions. This ensures that the overall enforcement aligns with the cultural and linguistic diversity present within the nation.
Family/Abortion
The preferred model of family structure is the nuclear family, as other configurations tend to either lack structure or impose excessive constraints. Systems involving two mothers, two fathers, or single parents present challenges, particularly in relation to the previous discussion on LGBT issues. Exposure to such lifestyles at a young age may potentially influence children's future choices and statistically result in less favorable outcomes. Additionally, children in non-traditional family arrangements may face increased risks of bullying and experience either overly strict discipline or excessive indulgence.
On the other hand, the concept of an extended family, which includes grandparents, aunts, uncles, and other relatives within the family unit, can be overly restrictive due to complex housing arrangements. It may limit a child's ability to learn through trial and error and develop the ability to be independent. While individualism is horrible, the freedom to make independent choices is not, and a child should be granted relative privacy and autonomy, which a broader definition of family may hinder.
Moreover, spending excessive time together can naturally lead to mutual resentment and annoyance among family members. It is essential to promote harmonious relationships within families and avoid internal conflicts.
Regarding the topic of abortion, it should generally be prohibited, with exceptions made only when the life of the mother is at risk. Merely not desiring children does not justify the termination of a life, and a society should strongly discourage the rejection of motherhood. However, in cases where a woman is genuinely unprepared for raising a child, she could choose to give birth and place the child up for adoption. While this may not be an ideal solution due to low demand for adoptive children, an alternative option could involve entrusting the child to state services functioning similarly to orphanages. The primary goal of such services would be to raise unwanted children to become model citizens, focusing on education in nationalist values and military survival. After completing the program and reaching adulthood, these individuals would be released into society with the skills and opportunities necessary to pursue their desired paths.
Education
The current pre-university education system in Poland is often excessively focused on rote memorization of facts and events. To promote a more comprehensive approach to education, the curriculum should emphasize the development of general skills, collaboration, and the ability to tackle important tasks. One way to achieve this is by transitioning from an exam-based evaluation system to a project-based approach. Instead of traditional exams, students would be required to undertake final projects related to the topics covered in their classes.
Furthermore, the belief that every student should be proficient in all subjects should be reconsidered. Students should have the flexibility to specialize and tailor their studies to align with their individual interests and future career paths. As part of the proposed system, primary and early secondary education would encompass all subjects. However, once students reach the age of 14, they would have the option to drop certain subjects such as geography, religion, or languages that they do not find interesting or relevant.
By the age of 16, students would further narrow their focus to three varied subjects. Finally, at the university level, students would engage in an in-depth study of a single subject. This progressive specialization would allow students to delve deeply into their chosen field and develop expertise in their area of interest.
Moreover, the education system should aim to instill values of nationalism and traditionalism in the youth. Certain classes should be gender-specific. However, students would have the option to opt-in or opt-out of these classes at the age of 14. For example, cooking classes would be primarily offered to girls, while physical education classes could be primarily offered to boys.
The overarching goal of these proposed changes is to create a more holistic and flexible education system that fosters critical thinking, practical skills, and a sense of national identity.
Relationships, City design and technology
The current architectural trends prevalent in Western nations and the lingering Soviet bloc structures in Poland are aesthetically unappealing. While this may not be a pressing national concern, it remains an issue worthy of consideration. To strike a balance between past and present influences, embracing elements of neoclassical architecture while incorporating modern features such as LED screens and lights as decorative elements could be a viable approach. Additionally, the overwhelming presence of skyscrapers obstructing the skyline could be mitigated by exploring underground constructions for additional space, thus preserving the beauty of the sky.
In the realm of relationships, monogamy should be the only legally recognized form, with an increase in the age of consent from 15 to 16. To address the prevalent issues of deceit and malicious intent found in current dating apps, the state should develop and oversee a dating app that prioritizes safety and verification in meetings and relationship-building. By taking control of such platforms, the government can implement stronger regulations, ensure identity authentication within the app, and provide enhanced resources, venues, and events to support individuals seeking companionship. This approach seeks to foster secure and meaningful connections for individuals while safeguarding their well-being
Regarding technology, supporting technological advancements, particularly in the military domain, can be beneficial. However, caution should be exercised to prevent technology from altering human nature unless it is for medical purposes, such as the replacement of lost limbs or organs. It is essential to maintain a skeptical stance towards technology reliant on foreign software to safeguard national security interests. In general, technology should enhance and improve our lives without fundamentally changing the essence of our existence or our inherent nature.
Other
Military
Regarding the military, while I acknowledge my limited expertise in this field, I advocate for the appointment of knowledgeable ministers to a commission tasked with reforming our armed forces. Presently, our army suffers from the presence of westernist traitors and ineffective generals who lack the requisite skills for actual warfare. In addition to the reforms that would result from the military commission's efforts, I personally support several measures.
Firstly, I endorse a substantial increase in military expenditure, advocating for a minimum doubling of the current budget, if not more. The strength of our nation and its ability to uphold its sovereignty and exert influence on the global stage in furtherance of Polish interests necessitate a well-funded military.
Furthermore, I advocate for the integration of advanced robotics and automation within our armed forces. It is my aspiration to witness the development of an army capable of enforcing necessary measures without incurring casualties on our side. While war may be an unfortunate inevitability, rather than futilely attempting to eradicate the inherent nature of conflict, we should instead focus on minimizing the loss of life, thereby reducing the suffering associated with such circumstances.
Additionally, recognizing the importance of competent defenders for our nation, I propose the implementation of a conscription policy. Upon reaching the age of 19, individuals would undergo seven months of military and ideological training. Furthermore, unmarried and unemployed men and women above the age of 25 should be required to serve a two-year term in the army as a means of reciprocating the nation's investment in their well-being, considering their lack of familial and professional responsibilities.
Global Nationalist Group
I endorse the establishment of an international inter-party organization akin to the Communist International (Comintern), but with a focus on nationalist parties worldwide. The primary objectives of this organization would revolve around developing collaborative strategies to promote the nationalist ideology, irrespective of any specific variant such as my own social nationalism. Recognizing that different countries possess diverse cultural, societal, and economic conditions, it is crucial for nationalist nations, regardless of their right-wing or left-wing economic orientations, to unite in order to disseminate national liberation globally. This can be achieved through various means, including direct military actions in radical circumstances, political advocacy through voting processes, or exerting pressure on foreign governments to align with nationalist principles.
Encouraging nationalism to become the prevailing norm worldwide holds significant advantages for the stability and continuity of nationalist states. By establishing this norm, external nations will no longer pose an inherent ideological threat seeking to exploit internal instability and impose non-nationalist regimes. The united front and framework provided by the Global Nationalist Group, as the inter-party organization transitions into an intergovernmental organization, would ensure that unstable states are not subject to foreign subjugation.
Additionally, the organization would play a pivotal role in resolving disputes, ideally before parties involved in historical or territorial conflicts ascend to power in their respective countries. This proactive approach would foster a more stable international system by preventing immediate conflicts following governmental transitions in certain states.
Lastly, the organization would undertake the responsibility of showcasing the diverse cultures of the world to a global audience. This platform would highlight the fascinating and captivating aspects of each nation, emphasizing the importance of preserving the unique characteristics of every society.
Funding for the organization would primarily come from participating parties, potentially supplemented by private individuals, and eventually, certain governments as the organization matures. Rather than having a permanent headquarters, its operations would be event-driven, taking place in various locations over time.
The European Union
Contrary to expectations, I express support for the European Union (EU) and certain pan-European aesthetics. However, I firmly believe that the organization requires substantial reforms to eliminate American influence and rectify some of its degenerate structures and positions. The current state of the EU reflects an inclination towards Westernism and an increasingly liberal sectarianism, which starkly deviates from the original vision of the institution. Rather than safeguarding Europe, it now appears to pursue its destruction.
First and foremost, reforms are necessary regarding the immigration policies of the EU to curb the massive influx of individuals from third-world countries. During periods when countries are reestablishing their demographic compositions following changes in government, a protocol should be implemented within the Schengen Area that temporarily suspends its functioning in specific countries. Moreover, the Schengen Area should be restructured to allow member states to recall their citizens after a certain period, should there be suspicion regarding their activities, thereby preventing illegal resettlement away from their home countries. Furthermore, for national security purposes, records should be maintained regarding individuals crossing borders, indicating their identity and time of passage. While border controls and document checks may not be required, these measures would reinstate a sense of monitoring and control for the purpose of national security.
Turning to the political dimension of the EU, I envision two potential scenarios that hold promise. Firstly, the EU could transform into a purely economic and administrative organization, removing any interference in the affairs of individual member states. Secondly, after a significant period of nationalist resurgence within member states, largely influenced by the Global Nationalist Group and other factors, the EU could utilize its authority to limit the sovereignty of states primarily for dispute resolution and dissemination of nationalist ideology across the continent. In this scenario, the rot within the system would have dissipated, and the EU's actions would align with a positive trajectory.
The EU should refrain from dictating foreign policies to member states, except in matters related to trade, if necessary. Countries such as Russia, Belarus, Serbia, and essentially the rest of Europe should be welcomed as member states within the EU. In terms of military affairs, the EU should not establish a unified military force and should refrain from intervening in internal conflicts which may arise once all other legal avenues for resolution have been exhausted. The EU should act as a united force only when a member state is threatened or invaded by a non-member country, as Europe must unite to defend its collective interests rather than focusing on the defense of any specific European country.
Storm Group (GS)
The Storm Group (Grupa Szturmowa / GS) is a conceptualized organization intended to function as a paramilitary entity aligned with the principles of the social nationalist ideology and the corresponding political party or coalition representing Social Nationalism in Poland. This group would be entrusted with two significant responsibilities: intellectual development of the public, focusing on education about American imperialism, nationalism, and traditionalism, and the "physical development" of the organization.
The intellectual development activities would encompass various initiatives such as conducting campaigns for the party and promoting social nationalist policies, organizing marches and demonstrations, and engaging in local community endeavors that contribute to the well-being of the local population. On the other hand, the physical development aspect would involve safeguarding the community against under-prosecuted crimes through a form of mild vigilantism, constructing minor infrastructure and systems to enhance the quality of life, and employing physical demonstrations to impede the passage of specific bills.
To ensure effective coordination and oversight, the group would be structured with hierarchical ranks based on geographical divisions. The leader at the highest level of the organization would assume the role of "Generalny Organizator," with regional leaders designated as "Oficer," district leaders as "Lokalny Działacz," and local community leaders as "Wyższy Szturmowiec." Themost prevalent and entry-level rank within the organization would be "Szturmowiec" or "GSowiec." Each rank would bear the responsibility of coordinating different branches of the GS across the country and maintaining fairness and efficiency within their respective groups.
In a future scenario where Social Nationalism gains prominence in Poland, the primary role of the organization would predominantly shift to party security and serving as bodyguards for local government officials. Many members would be reassigned to other branches or their association with the organization would conclude upon the fulfillment of their specific mission.
Killers of Evil (KE) / (ZZ)
The Killers of Evil (KE), better known as Zabójcy Zła (ZZ) in Polish, would be an organization closely affiliated with the GS, serving two specific purposes. Firstly, it would function as the party's espionage department, responsible for gathering information on its members to prevent corruption, establishing connections within the government to advance the influence of the Social Nationalist movement, and seeking international support from other governments through funding and arms distribution. While the GS would be a prominent and public organization, the ZZ's focus would primarily lie in covert and clandestine tasks on behalf of the party.
Another crucial role of the ZZ would be to serve as the principal strategists for GS operations. While higher-ranking officials within the GS would ensure the execution and synchronization of nationwide actions,the ZZ would be responsible for designing overarching strategies, formulating contingency plans, and determining the underlying intentions behind GS activities. The overall leader of the organization would hold the title of "Najwyższy Kommandir," with regional leaders referred to as "Wyższy Oficer," district leaders as "Oficer," and local community leaders as "Dowódczy Zzek." The most common and lowest rank within the ZZ would be "Zzek."
In the event that Social Nationalism assumes power in Poland, the ZZ would transition into a government ministry involved in the development and implementation of the Polish intelligence framework and policies. Rather than being divided into separate internal and external divisions, the organization would remain unified, with specialized branches handling various aspects of intelligence operations. The internal branch would assume the role of secret police, while the external branch would engage in activities such as espionage, sabotage, and recruitment of Polish agents abroad.
In situations involving foreign conflicts or instability, the external branch of the ZZ would establish local divisions, each with its own emblem, name, and uniforms. However, these divisions would still operate under the leadership of a "Dowódczy Zzek," unless territorial occupation necessitates a higher-ranking position to reflect the expanded scope of control. The role of the ZZ would encompass the discreet and coercive aspects of Poland's actions on the international stage, which are sometimes unfortunate but deemed necessary for the liberation of certain states.
Hope and the path forward
In terms of establishing Social Nationalism in Poland, I do not have a comprehensive, overarching plan at the moment. However, I believe that initiatives like the GS, ZZ, and GNG, which can effectively promote the ideals of social nationalism and present them in a positive light, will certainly contribute to our cause. I am open to various paths that lead to success. If the ideas gain significant popularity, enabling us to win elections and democratically implement social nationalism, I would support such an outcome. Similarly, in situations of instability where our organizations like the GS or ZZ fill the power vacuum, I would also lend my support. Additionally, if a foreign power, such as Russia or China, were to lead an invasion of the West and install our government due to our neutral stance, I would back such a scenario. Essentially, I am supportive of any not unnecessarily violent means that allow us to acquire power.
Currently, I believe it is most pragmatic to focus on engaging with Poland's existing democratic institutions. However, I lack the necessary support, expertise, and time to initiate such efforts at present. Nevertheless, there are intriguing developments on the horizon, such as the Polish anti-war movement, which advocates for neutrality, albeit in a different form from the social nationalist concept. This movement also opposes American cultural imperialism, which aligns with my own convictions and represents a significant advantage. Additionally, there is the Confederation of the Polish Crown party led by Grzegorz Braun, who raises valid points. However, I do not fully agree with aspects such as radical Catholicism and monarchy, finding the party somewhat unconventional. Nonetheless, it is the only Polish party, through the Konfederacja coalition, that surpasses the 5% threshold and would receive my vote. Given the improbability of the party reaching the second round of voting, I may opt to spoil my ballot by inscribing a large letter Z instead. Both PiS and KO, the two major parties, are American puppets with minimal differences between them, apart from their varying levels of support for the EU, which is currently of marginal concern.
Realistically, I do not foresee social nationalism being implemented in the near future. This is partly due to my own limitations in social skills, the pervasive influence of American-centric indoctrination in our country, and the complexity of its political system for the average person who may not prioritize political matters. Consequently, I am inclined to focus more on writing and archiving my thoughts to ensure their preservation for future reference, should the need arise. However, this realization does not leave me in a state of despair; instead, I maintain a philosophy of hopeism. I hold hope and trust in the future of the world, believing that ultimately things will align with the principles of morality, tradition, nationalism, and love, even if it may not occur during my generation. Nonetheless, I will exert all efforts within my capacity to pursue this mission, as I firmly believe in its justness, "If God is with us, then who is against us.”
Conclusion
I hope this document has effectively summarized my beliefs in a concise manner that was not burdensome to read. It is my intention that it provides a comprehensive understanding of how a state under social nationalism would function, operate, and the principles it would uphold and oppose. As I do not frequently engage in writing, I do not anticipate producing further pieces in the foreseeable future. However, if I were to undertake such an endeavor now, I would likely explore a topic such as "The Case for Russia," delving into the moral aspects of Russia as a regime and expressing my general approval of their current actions. This topic is intricate and extensive, and I would strive to include relevant sources in such a document. Regrettably, I am unable to do so presently, given my busy schedule due to university commitments(and it’s way too hot).
Should anyone have any inquiries, I am typically active within online communities, and under usernames such as "Kultokrat" or "Polish1056,". I plan to remain politically engaged online, participating in discussions as circumstances permit. I extend my gratitude to you, specifically, for devoting your time to read this document in its entirety. I dedicated several days to its composition, and in comparison, to my previous work, "Notes on Social Nationalism," "Chapters on Social Nationalism," represents a marked improvement in terms of both quality and quantity. It signifies a significant milestone in my political journey. Additionally, I express my appreciation to Jonah for creating PCBaller world, an endeavor that, although restrictive in the fun parts (war), prompted me to ponder on certain details such as "What should be the term limit for a powiat representative." While seemingly insignificant, I believe it is valuable to have a detailed framework outlining the structure of a state under social nationalism, rather than relying on a broad and nebulous overview as provided in my earlier notes on the subject. Lastly, I extend my gratitude to all those who demonstrated interest in this document during its writing process. Lasty,I implore everyone to continually cherish their country and its history.
Sława Narodu –Narodu Sława!
