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|song=[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dJdxVIQfznoLos La Marcha Peronista] <br>
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Latest revision as of 20:25, 22 May 2024

Peronism, or Justicialism, is a center to left ideology, statist, populist, and sometimes considered authoritarian, mostly because of certain means of indoctrination it uses/d. It's usually a culturally progressive ideology, but may vary, and is considered to be very similar to some sorts of Social Democracy (with many of its basis being re-distribution of wealth, giving more power to unions, protectionism, etc.) but overall it's a very vague ideology that varies a lot from each time it's been put in practice, even by Peron himself.

Although, as stated previously, it tends to be left-wing, on certain occasions modern Peronism has adapted a lot of different ideologies, such as Neoliberalism, Conservatism, Social Democracy and Left-Wing Populism to adapt to the changing (and largely unstable) political environment of Argentina and gain popular approbation (usual behavior among populist ideologies).

History

Developments before Perón came to power

Perón (right) with President Edelmiro Farrell in April 1945.

In the decades before Perón came to power, changes in the Argentine economy led to a change in society. Until the 1920s, this was largely traditionally postcolonial. In the economy focused on the export of raw materials, industry did not play a significant role, and therefore there was no significant urban proletariat. In the first decades of the 20th century, Argentina was one of the wealthiest nations and attracted numerous immigrants. Argentina has been governed democratically since 1916. The economy, largely based on exports to Europe and the United States, collapsed after the Great Depression of 1929. As a result, the democratic forces of the Unión Cívica Radical (UCR), above all the aged President Hipólito Yrigoyen, lost the trust of the population, especially since they were weakened by numerous corruption scandals.

They were replaced by a reactionary government led by José Félix Uriburu, which was close to the conservative economic elites, who hoped to improve their economic situation.  The Uriburu government was installed on September 6, 1930 with the support of military coups and ruled by pseudo-democratic means. Throughout the 1930s, governments ruled by a conservative party alliance, later known as "Concordancia", which enjoyed the support of the military. In order to stimulate the economy and achieve greater independence from the global economy, they forced import-substituting industrialization i.e. the production of previously imported consumer goods in their own country, whereby the urban industrial proletariat grew rapidly in the 1930s and 1940s. The industrial proletariat was recruited from previous agricultural workers, but often also from European immigrants. They began to organize themselves into trade unions, as in their homeland. The unions were banned and had to work largely illegally.

The seizure of power by Perón

Supporters of Perón on 17 October 1945 on the Plaza de Mayo

In the late 1930s, nationalist groups gained strength, some of which were oriented towards the idea of corporative state model of European fascism, propagated social justice ("justicia social") and found strong approval among the members of the urban industrial proletariat. In the spirit of this political current, which advocated a third way between capitalism and socialism, nationalist military personnel of the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) staged a coup against the ruling regime of Ramón Castillo on 4 June 1943 and established an authoritarian military dictatorship seeking rapprochement with the Axis powers.  Perón participated in this coup as a junior officer and subsequently took over the "State Secretariat for Labor and Social Security".

Perón used the responsibilities assigned to him to establish relations with the leading unions and bring them under his control. He set himself the goal of reducing the influence of politically radical, especially communist, trade unions and building a network of loyal trade unions. Shortly after his appointment, he ordered the arrests of numerous labor and trade union leaders, whose posts were taken by Perón's loyalists. Under previous governments, trade unions had always been subjected to repression and forced into illegality. Perón legalized them and gave them legal public status, including the right to strike and resist, after imposing a new organization under his leadership.  In addition, he promoted the rapid construction of the welfare state and pushed through higher wages and better working conditions. This was possible due to the relatively good economic situation in the 1940s and 1950s, favored by Argentina's neutral stance during World War II.  In this situation, it was temporarily possible to carry out costly reforms.

By building a welfare state system and allocating social benefits solely through loyal trade unions, Perón made them interesting for the working class and at the same time docile, since they depended on his granting of privileges. In addition, the restriction of social benefits isolated unwelcome unions, whose members had to forego the newly introduced benefits. This was soon followed by a ban on individual trade unions, which is still valid today, which in Perón's spirit marginalized the previously successful anarchist and communist currents in the workers' movement. After a certain time, this approach led to a co-ordination of the trade union movement under Perón's leadership which was accepted or even welcomed in view of the achievements he had achieved. The Peronist-organized trade unions experienced an enormous influx. The communist-controlled trade union federation voluntarily dissolved and joined the Peronist federation, as did the socialist trade unions.

Within a few years, the number of unionized workers rose from 200,000 to over five million, covering 55 to 70 percent of the economically active population.  Further social benefits, including price maintenance for basic necessities, were enforced and important industrial enterprises were placed under state administration. Spending on social benefits rose to 10 percent of gross domestic product. The resulting socio-political system was at the top of Latin American countries in terms of scope, expenditures and results, with living standards reaching the fifth highest level in the world.  Thus Perón secured the support of the strengthened industrial proletariat, on which he founded his rule.

Perón's first term (1946 to 1952)

The popularity of Perón, who had meanwhile risen to vice president, was soon perceived as a threat by the ruling military. So they forced him to resign on October 9, 1945. On October 17 of the same year, a date that is considered the birth of the Peronist movement and is still celebrated today, he returned to office under massive pressure from his supporters. They initiated spontaneous strikes and mass rallies in support of Perón.  At the insistence of Perón's supporters and the Western Allies, who had not forgotten the military junta's sympathy with the fascist Axis powers, democratic elections were held in February 1946, in which Perón, as a candidate of the Partido Laborista, was elected president by a large majority. Perón's success was also due to the popularity of his wife Eva, who led influential women's organizations of the Peronist movement and won women's suffrage in 1947. At the same time, as Primera Dama of Argentina, it ensured the representation of the regime at home and abroad. Her early death in 1952 increased her veneration to the mythical.

Through the establishment of a comprehensive welfare state and social reforms, financed in a high public spending – backed by central bank reserves, profits from the agricultural sector and later, monetary issuance – Perón secured broad popular support, but this began to wane in 1949 and continued with the beggining of the 50's, in the wake of a phase of economic weakness. At the same time, there was an increased disillusionment with Perón. His demagogy against imperialism and the agrarian upper class – many people called for the nationalization of large estates – was not followed by deeds; rather, the economic slowdown led to an attempt to repproach to the United States, that would be continued in his turn of economic plan at the end of 1951, the economic team that had been working in an unfavorable international period since 1949 – a more orthodox group than that of the "Wizard of Peronist finance" Miguel Miranda, with the presence of economists such as Alfredo Gómez Morales and Antonio Cafiero – set out to rethink its strategies to face the inevitable crisis that was brewing to explode around 1952, one that until that moment had hit the country with an enormous drop in real wages and record inflation of 36.7%. With the problems diagnosed and a plan prepared, Perón brought forward the elections from 1952 to November 1951, achieving re-election by a landside and beginning his second term on June 4, 1952, with a high tension between peronists and antiperonists. Before taking office, and in line with his economic pragmatism and the project headed by Morales, Perón announces to the country the "Emergency Economic Plan", a mixed austerity plan that incorporated orthodox-liberal economic measures and populist-syndicalist ones, aligned with the image of Peronism.

Peron's second term (1952-1955)

In 1952, the plan is put into action and there is a sharp reduction in public spending (approximately 15 points of GDP, 45% to 30%), reducing mainly the public works sector; attached to this, and consequently, there was a considerable reduction in the fiscal deficit, to more than half in the same year (4,5% to 2%); this leads to money creation plumming: monetary issuance from the central bank falls 49% compared to the previous year. State loans are limited and, as part of his strategy, Perón agrees to an increase in wages and freezes them for two years, promoting saving and production among workers and discouraging consumption. Private investment is also encouraged and foreign capital is attracted, allowing the establishment of multinational companies.

In 1953, these measures were expanded and formalized with the "Segundo Plan Quinquenal" (Second Five-Year Plan), which maintained the orthodox measures but accompanied them with some interventionist ones, such as the price agreement, a tenacious opposition to speculators and government incentives for the development of the agricultural sector. The stabilization plan began to bear fruit and objectives such as lowering inflation were quickly achieved: from a peak of 38.8% in 1952 it dropped to 4%. Exports increased exponentially and the economy would begin to grow at a good pace again, sustained by the recovery of the agricultural field and an industrial sector that newly showed positive numbers in 1954.

Real wages, however, never increased, and multiple sectors of the economy were affected, earning Perón multiple labor strikes and an increasingly strained relationship with the militar opposition, which responded violently to the disappearances of oppositors of the government and the devotion that began to take shape around the figure of Perón and his wife, which used to be manifestated through acts commonly denoted as "social indoctrination techniques": establishing the mandatory reading of the autobiographical book of Eva Perón, "The reason for my life", in schools and universities, the teaching of the Justicialista doctrine in military colleges and the domination of the media.

Before Perón's term was interrupted by military forces, a return to the practices of his first presidency could be seen, which, added to a negligent fiscal management on the part of provinces and the state, poor organization, caused public spending to rose 3 points of GDP and the deficit fiscal to close at 4% in both 1954 and 1955. Perón, responding to this, recurred to monetary printing to finance his government and caused inflation to escalate to 12% in 1955.

Overthrow, Peronist Resistance/Neoperonism (1955 to 1973) and split in the movement

Finally, in 1955, the civic-military dictatorship self-proclaimed "Revolución Libertadora" (Liberating Revolution) overthrew Perón on September 16, 1955, after a failed attempt on June 16, 1955, where a group of designated soldiers bombed the Casa Rosada and the Plaza de Mayo in hopes of killing Perón, leaving a balance of 308 dead people and more than 800 wounded. In the following years, after Peron fled into exile, there was a constant change of democratic governments of various stripes and military interventions. President Arturo Umberto Illia of the Radical Party lifted the ban on the PJ in 1963, after which he won the following elections. The success of the PJ prompted the military to intervene again and annul the democratic vote in order to keep Perón out of power. After the renewed election victory of the PJ in 1966, the military intervened within the framework of the so-called Revolución Argentina. General Juan Carlos Onganía established a military dictatorship that lasted until 1973.

From the 1950s, there was a deterioration in the economic conditions. The costly Argentine welfare state, the price of domestic peace, now weighed heavily on the state budget. A continuing crisis of the social system and the state budget made itself felt.  This in turn led to an increase in the popularity of the Peronists, as the economically prosperous years were linked to their rule.

In this period of unstable political and social conditions, governments reacted to the turbulent mood despite all political changes with a steady expansion of the welfare state, which further aggravated the economic situation.  This was due to the constant danger of intervention by the two most powerful informal veto players in Argentine politics, the military and the Peronist trade unions. Nevertheless, the level of supply of Perón's reign could not be maintained. Due to the steady deterioration of economic and social conditions, especially among his followers, an increasing transfiguration of Perón, a personality cult, began, so that his popularity remained high during his time in exile and even grew.

The time in opposition led at the same time to a fundamental change in the Peronist identity and to an emancipation from the actual politics of Perón. The leader of the movement, to whom the members drew their loyalty and who was always given a "messianic exaltation"[16] in Peronism, was in exile, a unified ideology to which the members could have felt connected had never existed, the movement was rather than "ideologically diffuse" to designate. There was only a loose cohesion among its supporters, mediated by the desire for the movement to continue and the hope of Perón's return to power.  However, Perón's return was associated with very different hopes in terms of content. The unifying influence of Perón on the various currents within the movement increasingly faded, so that from the end of the 1960s within the movement struggles between the different groups came to light.

The banning of the PJ strengthened the leaders of the unions, as the unions were henceforth the only legal organized representation of Peronism.  They resisted all attempts to smash and saw themselves as the mouthpiece of their clientele, whereby they succeeded in continuously putting pressure on the respective ruling governments through populist agitation and resistance actions, but without being able to assume government responsibility themselves. Most trade unionists pursued an orthodox political course based on Perón's past policies.

Facing them were the reformers. Under Ongania's military rule, many left-wing intellectuals and students, once opponents of Perón, as well as other dissidents and persecuted people of the military rulers, joined the Peronist movement. The increasingly revolutionary opposition of the Peronists to the military dictatorship coincided with their goals and could be used excellently for their political aspirations, especially thanks to their still existing broad base and their good degree of organization. From them formed the reform movement of Juventud Peronista.  The repression against the Peronists by banning and suppressing the PJ and its followers led to an increased revolutionary practice and violent protests. The left-wing splinter groups of the Movimiento Peronista Montonero even chose a strategy of urban guerrilla.  Perón himself saw in the revolutionary groups above all the benefit of destabilizing the military rule of Ongania.

In the 1960s and 1970s, the Peronist mainstream tended to move to the left, especially in contrast to the ruling military regimes, although cooperative currents could be observed in some groups seeking a rapprochement with the military junta.  The main competing groups were the emerging, reform-oriented left groups, the traditionalist trade unionists and right-wing nationalist groups that were able to come to terms with military rule.

The traditionalists, represented mainly by the trade union wing, continued to see Peronism in its populist orientation and relied on their broad organizations as a power base. They associated the return of Perón less with revolutionary desires than with the hope of restoring the economic and political status quo ante. The reformers, mainly represented by the left wing, and later also by technocrats who were skeptical of the traditional party line, but due to their lack of integration into the Peronist grassroots organizations, did not yet have the influence to give them a leading role within the party. They had little in common with the traditional Peronist clientele and their orientation, so that above all the appeal to Perón united them.

Perón's third term

After the military regime failed to get the country's economic problems under control, democratic elections were held in March 1973. After the failed period of rule, the military was unable and unwilling to keep the PJ away from the government and was reluctant to allow it to participate. In the presidential elections, the Peronist Héctor Cámpora ran as a presidential candidate "by Perón's grace after Perón himself was banned from running, and won almost 50 percent of the vote.

Cámpora lifted Perón's exclusion a few months later, so that Perón could finally stand for election and win in new elections in July. After Perón's return from exile, to the disappointment of the reformers, he turned to the traditionalist base, so that the Juventud broke away from Peronista and saw itself as the only advocate of genuine Peronism.  Thus, after the death of Perón on July 1, 1974, the left wing of Peronism temporarily opposed the government, which also invoked Perón, there were violent clashes between the camps and the government used the military to fight the guerrillas close to left-wing Peronism.

After Perón died, without being able to exert significant influence, his wife Isabel Perón, previously vice president, took over the presidency. It was overthrown by another military coup in March 1976. The short intermediate democratic phase was marked by civil war-like struggles between radicals and Peronists as well as the Peronist splinter groups among themselves. After the death of Perón, on which the hopes of the precarious masses were based and who had been able to bring a certain authority, the country sank into violence and ungovernability, so that the military saw the only way out in intervention. Under the leadership of a military junta, the country was to be stabilized again in the so-called process of national reorganization. Until re-democratization in 1983, brutal repression of members of the opposition, including many Peronists, took place.

Military dictatorship 1976 to 1983

Violent protests by left-wing, Peronist students in Rosario in 1969 against the banning of the PJ.

After the renewed banning of the PJ and the persecution of its functionaries, the Peronist trade unions and grassroots organisations were also banned in 1979, but they quickly reactivated themselves underground. This led to the formation of competing trade union groups, the former trade union confederation (Confederación General del Trabajo de la República Argentina, CGT for short) split into the "CGT Azopardo", which showed itself willing to engage in dialogue with the military regime, later supported the Falklands War and represented the right, orthodox wing of the party, and the smaller "CGT Brasil", which belonged to the left wing of the party. , which the military regime tried to fight through clear opposition and resistance in the form of a general strike. In addition to these two competing unions, there was also the "Movimiento de Unidad, Solidaridad y Organización" (MUSO), which pursued a moderate, balancing line, as well as some right-wing splinter groups. Thus, the division of Peronism also took place organizationally.

Role in the democratization of Argentina after 1983

After Argentina's military defeat in the Falklands War in 1982, the ruling military regime collapsed. In the 1983 elections, the two traditional parties UCR and PJ competed against each other, with the UCR under Raúl Alfonsín, contrary to many expectations in view of the decades of dominance of the PJ, winning the victory.

As a result of the revival of the PJ, the open struggles for direction within Peronism had gained in importance, carried out by the representatives of the various trade unions, each claiming leadership. Thus, in the election of the Peronist presidential candidate, there were renewed clashes between the competing trade unions.

The leaderless party – the nominal party leader Isabel Perón refused to cooperate – undisciplined self-fighting party only reached a compromise on the candidates shortly before the elections. The Orthodox groups prevailed as the dominant force and claimed the choice of candidates for themselves. Among them was the CGT Azopardo trade union group, which had the most influence within the party, and which eventually ensured that Italo Luder and Deolindo Bittel stood as candidates for the presidential election.

Among the Peronists, despite all adversities, there was absolute certainty of victory, as the PJ had so far emerged victorious from all elections to which it was admitted.  The election campaign thus also served the traditional clichés of dull populism attributed to Peronism. Enemy images in the form of political opponents were served, one appealed entirely in Perón's tradition, but with far less charisma, grandiosely to the whole people and emphasized the supremacy of Peronism, which could not harm even the renewed democratization. Such campaigns were aimed primarily at the traditional clientele, the lower class.  Symptomatic of the party's inner turmoil and lack of planning was the prayer-wheel-like appeal to its deceased leader Perón, which proved to be the only reliable and unifying constant between the camps.

During the election campaign, Alfonsín was able to use the CGT Azopardo's past support of the military regime and in particular the unpopular Falklands War to his advantage. Alfonsin presented himself as a guarantor of real democratization and respectful confrontation with political opponents, as well as liberal values and civil liberties, above all for the preservation of the rule of law, which had been disregarded both under the military dictatorship and under Perón.

He achieved a clear demarcation from both the previous military dictatorship and all periods of government of the Peronists with their authoritarian leadership style and was considered a candidate for a real new beginning.  In the population, which for a long time rejected parliamentary democracy over plebiscitary or clientelistic models or sometimes even military dictatorships – in memory of the failure of the first democracy after the Great Depression – a mood of change spread, which had its cause in the unattractive alternative offered by the prevailing, outdated orthodox Peronism at that time.

Thus, in the presidential election of 1983, there was a dramatic electoral defeat of the PJ. The party drew the consequences from this and sought a new direction for the following election in 1989. The party line, which had hitherto still been determined by orthodox forces, and in particular the role of the CGT Azopardo, which was close to them, under the military dictatorship was identified as the reason for the defeat, and the alternative reform movement of the renovados with Carlos Menem, Antonio Cafiero and Carlos Grosso at the top gained the leading role in the PJ.  The renovados founded Neo-Peronism, a reorientation of the party with a far-reaching break with traditional party politics.

The counter-movement of neo-Peronism had emerged in the 1970s in contrast to both the right and the left splinter groups that fought each other. It had only the name in common with the original Peronism and originally pursued a policy of the moderate social democratic center. Neo-Peronism reformed the PJ from the ground up and shaped it into a democratic party, as desired in the context of democratization. Since then, the political line has changed several times, depending heavily on the respective party chairman. The focus of the neo-Peronists is on the PJ, less on the affiliated Peronist organizations.

Ideology

Twenty Peronist Tenets

From Peron's "Peronist Philosophy":

  1. "A true democracy is that one in which the government does what the people want and defends only one interest: the people's."
  2. "Peronism is essentially of the common people. Any political elite is anti-people, and thus, not Peronist."
  3. "A Peronist works for the movement. Whoever, in the name of Peronism, serves an elite or a leader, is a Peronist in name only."
  4. "For Peronism, there is only one class of person: those who work."
  5. "Working is a right that creates the dignity of men; and it's a duty, because it's fair that everyone should produce as much as they consume at the very least."
  6. "For a good Peronist, there is nothing better than another Peronist." (In 1973, after coming back from exile, in a conciliatory attempt, and in order to lessen the division in society, Peron reformed this tenet to: "For an Argentine, there is nothing better than another Argentine.")
  7. "No Peronist should feel more than what he is, nor less than what he should be. When a Peronist feels more than what he is, he begins to turn into an oligarch."
  8. "When it comes to political action, the scale of values of every Peronist is: Argentina first; the movement second; and thirdly, the individuals."
  9. "Politics are not an end, but a means for the well-being of Argentina: which means happiness for our children and greatness for our nation."
  10. "The two arms of Peronism are social justice and social help. With them, we can give a hug of justice and love to the people."
  11. "Peronism desires national unity and not struggle. It wants heroes, not martyrs."
  12. "Kids should be the only privileged class."
  13. "A government without doctrine is a body without soul. That's why Peronism has a political, economic and social doctrine: Justicialism."
  14. "Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist."
  15. "As political doctrine, Justicialism balances the right of the individual and society."
  16. "As an economic doctrine, Justicialism proposes a social market, putting capital to the service of the economy and the well-being of the people."
  17. "As a social doctrine, Justicialism carries out social justice, which gives each person their rights in accordance to their social function."
  18. "Peronism wants an Argentina socially 'fair', economically 'free' and politically 'sovereign'."
  19. "We establish a centralized government, an organized State and a free people."
  20. "In this land, the best thing we have is our people."

Variants

Kirchnerism

Flag of Kirchnerism

Kirchnerism is an economically center-left to left, culturally moderate to progressive ideology that believes in low external debt, industrialization and developmentalism. Kirchnerism has five main economic tenets:

  • Take no measures that increase the fiscal deficit.
  • Take no measures that increase the trade deficit.
  • Accumulate reserves in the central bank.
  • Keep the exchange rate very high to stay competitive and favor exports.
  • Pay off the external debt and do not acquire new debt.

These can be summed up as: keep exports higher than imports, favor high exchange rates and pay off outstanding debts

Tacuarism

Tacuarism It is the ideology of the Tacuara Nationalist Movement, an argentine political movement conformed by nationalsocialists, falangists, peronists and fascists, that existed from 1957 to 1966. It is Anti-Communism anti-communist, anti-capitalist, anti-zionist and anti-semitic as it formed as a paramilitary violent group and supported other argentine neo-nazi groups in 1962.
. In 1962, Graciela Sirota was kidnapped by members of the Tacuara and immediately afterwards beaten and later burned with cigarettes and they also marked a swastika on her chest with a knife, although they would become even better known with the murder of Raul Alterman, who was a jewish communist.
The group would suffer leftist and more radical splits and later disappearing in 1966.

Tacuarism is an economically Third Positionist, culturally reactionary and civically authoritarian ideology based on the ideals of the Tacuara Nationalist Movement, an insurrectional, fascist, Falangist and neo-nazi heterogeneous political organization that brought together various ideological currents under the objective of establishing a national syndicalist state in Argentina. The Tacuaras spread a Catholic, anti-semitic, anti-communist, anti-capitalist, anti-oligarchic, anti-imperialist and anti-zionist platform that supported the fight against Judaism and the promotion of nationalism as their highest principles. They sought the formation of a "revolutionary aristocracy" that would establish a third positionist, corporatist, militarist and catholic national syndicalist system whose government, in opposition to the parliament and the electoral system, would be selected by chambers of labour, with a State that would control the strategic economic sectors without annulling private property.

Its members were originally active in the Unión Nacionalista de Estudiantes Secundarios (Nationalist Union of Secondary Students), a third position student organization that was a branch of the Nationalist Liberation Alliance. After separating from them due to their turn to Peronism and opposition to the Church, they continued their criminal activities with the help of the nationalist sectors of the police and the Armed Forces, who saw in the group a youth force to stop the advance of the "communist danger" in Argentine society.

As a political organization, the Tacuara Movement suffered multiple splits and divisions: the new militants were open supporters of Peronism, left-wing ideologies and anarchist ideologies , and many leaders of the movement began a process of ideological transformation towards adverse positions. The two main factions were represented by the priest Julio Meinvielle and the French anthropologist and former member of the Waffen-SS, Jacques de Mahieu. Mahieu, a vehement supporter of the Peronist movement, encouraged many members of Tacuara to join the Peronist Resistance, a cause rejected by Meinvielle, who impetuously accused the original core of Tacuara of having been led astray by "Marxist deviations" and criticized Peronism for remaining neutral with the international climate of the Cold War and refusing to support the United States (the "lesser evil"), which according to him led to the indirect validation of the bloc of "anti-Christian" nations made up of the Soviet Union and its allies. Meinvielle then founded a parallel ultra-nationalist, ultra-Catholic and anti-Semitic group baptized as the "Nationalist Restoration Guard". Shortly after, Dardo Cabo also separated from the movement and founded the New Argentina Movement, one of the first right-wing Peronist formations. The biggest rupture, however, was that of the sector headed by Joe Baxter and José Luis Nell, who structured the Tacuara Nationalist Revolutionary Movement and migrated towards left-wing nationalist ideals close to Marxism, acquiring an anti-capitalist and anti-Catholic profile, in opposition to anti-Semitism and with an important connection with the left-wing sectors of Peronism that would later form FAR-Montoneros.

Tacuara began its decline with the exit of a large part of its members to organizations of the extreme right and left of Peronism. Baxter founded the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), Nell joined FAR-Montoneros, Cabo joined the Vandorist movement, while other members ended up collaborating with the Triple A and the military dictatorship in the 70's. Formally, the Tacuara Nationalist Movement ceased to operate in 1966.

Biondinism

This ideology appeared in the mid-1980s internally within a group in the Justicialist party, to later break away from the Justicialist party and form the New Triumph party, which implemented the ideology which is based on Neo-Nazism and Tacuaraism

Menemism

Menemism comes from the policies made by President Carlos Menem. He is economically Right-Wing and culturally Right and may vary from Right-Unity or LibRight (generally). In general, it is based on:

Tendencia Revolucionaria

Triple A

W.I.P.

Libertarian Peronism

Personality

They hate Argentine Radicalism, despite some big similarities, since they're their main political rivals. As any Argentinian, they hate the British due to losing the Falkland Wars.

How to Draw

Flag of Peronism

Drawing Peronism requires a few steps:

  1. Draw a ball
  2. Draw a Light-blue line and fill the right part with the same color and the left part with white.
  3. Draw the Justicialist symbol
  4. Add the eyes, and you're done!
Color Name HEX RGB
Light-blue #74ACDF 116, 172, 223
White #FFFFFF 255, 255, 255


Relationships

Friends

  • Authoritarian Democracy - Democracy is good as long as I'm the one to get elected.
  • Social Authoritarianism - I like where this is going...
  • National Syndicalism - How I got to power.
  • Welfare Chauvinism - Keeping books on social aid is capitalistic nonsense.
  • Longism - Pretty much my American equivalent.
  • Protectionism - Gotta P R O T E C T the national industry.
  • Fascism - My influential father influenced my economic views very much. Benito was epic ngl.
  • Clerical Fascism - "Justicialism is a new philosophy of life: simple, practical, of the common people, and profoundly Christian and humanist." Also, I gave harbor to Pavelic.
  • Populism - We need support from our folks, whatever the cost!
  • Keynesian School - The govt go spenddd,
  • Francoism - He let me spend my exile in his country.
  • Falangism - "Justicialism and Falangism are the same thing separated only by space."
  • Kakistocracy - I appointed my third wife who didn't even get middle education as VP. What can possibly go wrong?

Frenemies

  • Guevarism - Good friend, but what's all this foco stuff?
  • Social Democracy - I like labor parties though they seem to be very mild when compared to me. Many of these people in my country claim to be the REAL left-wing Peronists, they fight a lot with these other Peronists.
  • Paternalistic Conservatism - I liked the tories back when they actually cared about the common man. Many of these people in my country claim to be the REAL right-wing Peronists, they fight a lot with these other Peronists.
  • Capitalism - I don't despise you but you have to be really well-controlled by really powerful unions, labor laws, tariffs, etc... and pay lots of taxes.
  • Left-Wing Populism - Too much left-wing for my tastes, other than my kirchnerist side.
  • Nazism - Thanks for all the gold and talented refugees such as Skorzeny, but why the antisemitism?
  • Esoteric Fascism - I harbor you, but you really scare me. Don't look up Jose Lopez Rega.
  • National Capitalism - I supported Stroessner in the Paraguayan civil war of 1947 and he in return saved my life in 1955! but Videla instead overthrew me in 1976.
  • National Bolshevism - I don't know exactly what you are but, Joe Baxter is based.
  • Left-Wing Nationalism - We're pretty similar but you want to establish socialism instead of just limiting capitalism and nationalizing certain services. Also, you should stop putting bombs everywhere...
  • Authoritarianism - People keep confusing me with you. No, I am not a dictator, I'm a conductor.
  • Caudillismo - For the last time I'm not a dictator I'm a CONDUCTOR know the difference!
  • Socialism of the 21st Century - My Menemist side wants to kill you but my Kirchnerist side loves you. Idk what to say...
  • Conservative Liberalism - On my federalist side you are alright.
  • Neoliberalism - Fucking capitalists, you destroyed Argentina!!! Though my Memenist side likes you.
  • Mileism - Yeah, you are one of those libertarados, but looking back, and as Guillermo Moreno said, you really capture the rebellious spirit of peronism, you just need to mature. Also, my menemist side likes you.
  • Anti-Centrism - I know my party has meant and means a lot of different things, but we're not that extreme.
  • Liberal Conservatism - Although you are a fake conservative, I'll tolerate you because of my Macrist side... PERO LAS MALVINAS SON ARGENTINAS!
  • White Nationalism - Now, I'm not a racist. All I'm saying is that, unlike Mexicans, who came from the Indians, and Brazilians, who came from the jungle, we Argentinians came from boats from Europe.
  • Nacionalismo - My... let's say, antiquated father. I started as his secretary of labor before rising above him.
  • National Liberalism - At least you are a sovereignist also again Menem like you.
  • Pinochetism - Allende was actually not that good and in fact I supported you but you are pro-imperialist.
  • Allendism - "If you want to do as Allende, then look how it goes for Allende. One has to be calm."

Enemies

Further Information

Literature

Wikipedia

Website

Videos


Notes

Gallery

Navigation

pl:Peronizm zh:庇隆主义


  1. ↑ https://youtu.be/KsLcCau2-Sg
  2. ↑ No kidding, she dropped out after 5th grade of school
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